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• W248045589 abstract "The unspeakable sequence of terrorism in New York, Pennsylvania, and Washington, DC on September 11, 2001, was a crime against humanity that sent a wave of revulsion throughout civilized world--a world that will never be same again. The lives of many people and many nations are now on threshold of change. Pakistan's entrance into international coalition against terror mirrored a broader worldwide development. Forces unleashed by events of September 11 leave nations no choice when it comes to choosing where they stand. US President George Bush put it succinctly when he said, Either you are with us or you are against us. Pakistan's cooperation re-invigorated its longstanding interaction with United States, but relationship will have moments of strain in these new circumstances. The dilemma that Pakistan now faces is that while it stands on side of forces aligned against international terror, it finds old linkages difficult to leave behind. Tough Breaks The first repercussion of September 11 was end of Taliban regime that harbored Al Qaeda, but engine of change in Kabul was Northern Alliance's General Dostum rather than Pakistani president, General Pervez Musharraf. The inability of Pakistan to engineer change in its own backyard where it previously enjoyed influence is significant. The military establishment has long viewed Muslim Brotherhood as an ally because of its close alliance with Pakistani military and security apparatus during Cold War and its prevention of domestic socialist revolt. But external forces unleashed by September 11 are forcing new political alignments that have led Pakistan to abandon some of its cherished policy goals. The first welcome casualty of new Pakistani-US relationship was longstanding romance between Pakistan's security apparatus and rigid, extremist Taliban leadership. Yet first tension in relations between United States and Pakistan comes from their diverging viewpoi nts on new Afghan interim government led by Hamid Karzai. Although Pakistan welcomed Karzai government, it is uncomfortable with leading role of Northern Alliance. The Pakistani military regime joined US-led coalition against terror less from conviction than compulsion. Soon after September 11, President Musharraf appeared on state television to explain that he chose the lesser evil by joining coalition and justified move by saying that failure to do so could have damaged country's nuclear assets. The notion of compulsion explains inability of Pakistan to engineer downfall of Taliban or even to quickly break relations with it after rout began. The long-term ties with Taliban make Pakistan wary of new internationally supported Afghan government. The ruling elites in Pakistan will seek an opportunity to re-assert their influence in Kabul by continuing linkages with some of most extreme factions of former mujahideen, freedom fighters that forced Soviet Union out of Afghanistan. Pakistan formulated its policy toward Afghanistan on basis of depth. It saw in a pliable Afghan regime a foil to its uneasy relations with India, a country against which it has fought three wars since gaining its independence. Pakistan fears that its policy of strategic depth in Kabul will collapse if it discontinues support for extremist factions. The Pakistani government does not believe that a friendly Afghan government is a sufficient guarantee of a secure border. The support for Taliban produced linkages between military and religious and militant groups. The ruling elites are finding it difficult to absorb changes required of Pakistan as domestic linkages mesh with external requirements. The second factor that causes concern in Pakistan is that breaking linkages between military, security apparatus, and religious groups could undermine its political support for people of Jammu and Kashmir. …" @default.
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• W248045589 date "2002-03-22" @default.
• W248045589 modified "2023-09-28" @default.
• W248045589 title "Pakistan's Dilemma: Breaking Links with the Past. (Perspectives)" @default.
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