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• W2496827771 abstract "One of the functions of child language research, where possible, should be to tell us something about adult theories of language. In what follows, we continue an argument defending the position, based on child language evidence, that preverbal overt subjects are left-peripheral, clause-external constituents in the adult Southern Romance languages: Catalan, Spanish and Italian. We take this position within the context of a debate in adult syntactic theory, in which proponents of a traditional analysis argue that overt, and especially pre-verbal, subjects in Southern Romance are clause-internal Inflectional Phrase (IP) type constituents (Belletti, 1990; Cardinaletti & Starke, 1996; Goodall, 2002; Rizzi, 1990), while others propose analyses which take preverbal subjects to be topicalized or focused Complementizer Phrase (CP) type constituents (Ordonez, 1997; Poletto, 2000; Zagona, 2000; Zubizarreta, 1998) and still others argue that there is more than one syntactic position for overt, preverbal subjects and that both and IP type subject positions exist (Camacho, 2005b; Costa & Galves, 2000; Suner, 2003). A second function of research into child language is to explain how children's grammars become adult grammars. In earlier work, Grinstead (2000, 2004) observed in child Spanish and Catalan that there is an early stage in which children do not seem to use overt subjects at all. This observation was explained as the result of two and three year-old children's failure to make syntactic use of their discourse-pragmatic understanding of new vs. old information. This failure implies that while these children may have access to the CP domain of their clause structure, they simply fail to use it because they assume that their interlocutors share their discourse knowledge. In this way, the observed difference in syntactic behavior of child and adult speakers of Southern Romance languages was explained as a function of a well-known, cross-linguistically documented phenomenon, namely, the problematic interface between syntax and discourse-pragmatics in child language (Avrutin, 1995; Schaeffer, 2000). The basic observation that overt subjects failed to be used early on was combined with the observation that whquestions and fronted objects – less controversially constituents of CP begin to be used at close to the same point in longitudinally collected corpora as do overt subjects. Anecdotal evidence from child Dutch (van Kampen, 1997) was adduced to make the point that while these three constructions began to be used at the same time in Catalan, they did not begin to be used at the same time in all languages, and specifically not in a language in which overt subjects must be used as a function of finiteness, such as Dutch. This contrasts with Catalan, Spanish and Italian in which overt subjects are used as a function of discourse-pragmatics. The observation that the three constructions alluded to begin to be used at the same time in languages like Catalan would be much stronger were we able to demonstrate empirically that these three constructions do not emerge at the same time in the development of languages like Dutch, or German. In what follows, we will attempt to show, using case studies and longitudinally-collected spontaneous child German data, that overt subjects in child German begin to be used significantly earlier than do fronted objects or whquestions. We take this to be evidence of the distinct nature of the subject constituent in the two language families and further that children acquiring both languages converge on this fundamental property of the adult grammars even before the interface between syntax and discourse pragmatics is operational." @default.
• W2496827771 created "2016-08-23" @default.
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• W2496827771 date "2006-01-01" @default.
• W2496827771 modified "2023-09-26" @default.
• W2496827771 title "Subjects, Topicalizations and Wh-Questions in Child German and Southern Romance" @default.
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