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- W2501524814 abstract "Abstract Chapter 2 characterizes Free Choice Disjunction (FCD), i.e. the behavior of disjunction (and plain indefinites) under modals. This is a well known phenomenon whereby a sentence of the form possible (p or q) winds up unexpectedly being interpreted as possible and possible q. It is argued that such a phenomenon bears the hallmark of Scalar Implicatures (SIs). Gricean theories of SIs and some of their limitations are reviewed. A novel approach is presented, based on the idea that SIs come about via a covert counterpart of only (‘exhaustification’) that operates on grammatically determined alternatives, and is subject to a principle of ‘Maximize Sternght/Informativity’. Then a version of the theory of FCD by D. Fox is articulated, that derives the FC effect through recursive exhaustification of subdomain alternatives. This approach to FCD provides independent motivation for the thesis that polarity phenomena are related to the activation of subdomain alternatives by indefinites, put forth in Chapter 1. It is proposed that covert only (O) targets alternative bearers in its domain, much like wh-words are targeted by interrogative complementizers, an idea that is implemented via a feature checking mechanism. O assign ‘+’ to alternative bearers in its domain, thereby making their alternatives active. In absence of O, alternative bearers get a default value ‘-‘, and their alternatives remain inactive. This sets the stage for an integrated theory of polarity sensitivity and free choice." @default.
- W2501524814 created "2016-08-23" @default.
- W2501524814 creator A5042511286 @default.
- W2501524814 date "2013-07-25" @default.
- W2501524814 modified "2023-10-16" @default.
- W2501524814 title "Scalar Implicatures at the Interface between Pragmatics and Syntax" @default.
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- W2501524814 doi "https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199697977.003.0003" @default.
- W2501524814 hasPublicationYear "2013" @default.
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