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• W2528604184 abstract "As Qin (2016) describes in detail, China's transport infrastructure has been developing at breakneck speed over the past twenty years. Let us compare the speed of China's infrastructure development with that of Japan's. The high-speed rail network in China, which started operation in 2008 with a total length of 672 km, has been extended to 16,000 km in 2014, growing by 70% per annum. Japan's high-speed rail system, or shinkansen, which started operation in 1964, has developed into a nationwide network in 2015 with a total length of 2,618 km. The growth rate of its length was 3% per annum. The speed of urban transport infrastructure development in China's major cities has also been very fast. Beijing's subway system, for example, which consisted of only two lines in early 1990s, has expanded to 18 lines with a total length of 527 km. Tokyo's subway system already had a well-developed network in 1990 with 10 lines. Only three more lines have been added to the network since then, and its total length has reached 300 km in 2015. The length of expressways and high-speed rail per capita in China at the end of 2014 were 0.08 m and 0.01 m, which were 124% and 58% of those in Japan, respectively. The length of subways per capita in Beijing is 107% of that in Tokyo in 2015. Although the development of China's transport infrastructure has been very rapid, the efficiency of travel in China has not improved with the same speed. In August 2015, I took a high-speed train from Guangzhou to Chaozhou. The 2-h ride on the train was more comfortable and faster than the 6-h trip for the same route by car in 2011. However, the total duration of the trip in 2015 was 4.5 h because Guangzhou's colossal high-speed rail station was located far away from the city center and the procedures prior to getting on the train were time-consuming. The efficiency in connecting the city to the high-speed rail is given much less consideration than the speed of the train. In Beijing, even with the building of 16 new subway lines and three more ring roads since the early 1990s, road traffic congestion is much severe today than it was in the early 1990s. The number of vehicles owned by Beijingers has increased by 12 times during the period and that must be one of the main reasons for the current traffic congestion. At least, that was how Beijing municipal authorities diagnosed the problem, and therefore they started to restrict the number of vehicle number plates issued to the public since 2011. However, the number of vehicles must not be the only reason for congestion, because ownership of vehicles per capita in Beijing is 12% less than that in Tokyo, where the incidence of traffic jams is much less than in Beijing. What is markedly different between the two cities is the selection of transportation modes by their citizens. A survey of the transportation modes used by people living in Tokyo's 23 wards conducted in 2008 revealed that trains and buses were the main modes of transportation in 66% of all trips (excluding those made only by walking) made by the respondents, while cars and taxis were the main modes in 14% of all trips. A similar survey conducted in Beijing in 2009 revealed that trains and buses were the main modes in 37% of all trips, while cars and taxis were the main modes in 41% of all trips. If such preferences for transportation modes remain unchanged, the problem of road congestion cannot be solved simply by building more roads and subways, and by restricting vehicle ownership. It is necessary to understand the reason why Beijingers prefer driving cars and taking taxies to taking buses and subways. Based on my casual observations, I guess that one of reasons behind Beijingers' preference is again the poor connection of subway stations to urban commercial facilities. In Tokyo, major commercial facilities are located near to rail and subway stations. In Beijing, subway stations are often located far away from commercial facilities. It is not uncommon that only a few kiosks and street vendors are found around a station. The relocation of commercial facilities to places near stations may benefit both the facilities and the passengers, and even change people's modal preferences. In the suburbs of Tokyo, private rail companies developed amusement parks, baseball stadiums, and housing complexes at the end of their network to increase traffic. As a result of a long accumulation of investments in urban facilities made by rail companies, retailers, and developers, which shaped the structure of cities, a rail-centered lifestyle in Tokyo was created. The development of transport infrastructure in China has been so rapid that it resulted in the poor connection between the newly built infrastructure and the existing city centers. It may be necessary for China to decelerate transport infrastructure development and to promote urban development around rail stations, in order to induce changes in people's modal preferences." @default.
• W2528604184 created "2016-10-14" @default.
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• W2528604184 date "2016-07-01" @default.
• W2528604184 modified "2023-10-14" @default.
• W2528604184 title "Comment on “China's Transport Infrastructure Investment: Past, Present, and Future”" @default.
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• W2528604184 doi "https://doi.org/10.1111/aepr.12136" @default.
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