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- W2553573146 abstract "Since September 11, 2001, the United States has promoted women’s political participation in the Middle East. Given high levels of anti-Americanism in the region, does public American support for women in politics undermine popular support? More broadly, how does the context in which women’s representation is promoted shape popular support for women in politics? Using evidence from a nationally representative survey experiment in Jordan, this paper finds that an American endorsement of the country’s gender quota has no average effect on popular support for women in politics. The endorsement does, however, depress support for women in politics among Jordanians who oppose the monarchy significantly more than among Jordanians who support it. To explain the findings, the paper develops an argument about elite cues in authoritarian settings that emphasizes how domestic patterns of support and opposition to autocrats determine citizens’ receptivity to elite cues. The paper illuminates the politics underlying women’s representation and elite cues in authoritarian regimes and contributes to the study and practice of democracy promotion. The Arab region has the lowest percent of women in parliament of any region in the world: 12 percent. It has also experienced the past decade’s largest increase in women’s parliamentary representation; in 2001, just 5 percent of the representatives in Arab legislatures were women.1 That increase was tied to the passage of quotas that reserved seats or spaces on political party lists for women in Algeria (2002), Djibouti (2002), Egypt (2009), Iraq (2004), Jordan (2003), Mauritania (2006), Morocco (2002), Somalia (2004), Sudan (2005), and Tunisia (2004). Arab states’ adoption of quotas is part of a global trend (Krook, 2009). Previous research suggests that quotas could improve women’s descriptive and substantive representation in politics. Cross-national analysis shows that gender quotas are the main factor that determines the number of women in the world’s legislatures today (Tripp and Kang, 2008). Furthermore, evidence from India, where randomly-selected seats on local councils are reserved for women, shows that women elected through quotas govern differently than men (Chattopadhyay and Duflo, 2004), that quotas make women more likely to be elected even after they are withdrawn (Bhavnani, 2009), and that quotas reduce gender stereotypes (Beaman et al., 2009). But there are also serious concerns about how likely quotas in Arab states are to improve women’s political standing. They arise because, in countries where women have been otherwise excluded from official positions of power, foreign pressure has often caused undemocratic political leaders to adopt quotas (Krook, 2006; Bush, 2011b). Indeed, advancing women’s civic and political engagement has been a pillar of American foreign policy in the Middle East since September 11, 2001 (Ottaway, 2005a; Abu-Lughod, 2002). The flagship American initiative promoting political reform in the Arab world, for example, counts “supporting women” as one of its main priorities.2 Yet when quotas are adopted under international pressure, the conditions that support their success in countries such as India—including democratic institutions, civil society mobilization, and social norms—may be absent. Moreover, people may view quotas as a foreign imposition. 1See http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm and Dahlerup (2009, 28). 2See http://mepi.state.gov/mepi/english-mepi/what-we-do/supporting-women." @default.
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- W2553573146 date "2012-01-01" @default.
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- W2553573146 title "Anti-Americanism, Authoritarianism, and Attitudes about Women in Politics: Evidence from a Survey Experiment in Jordan" @default.
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