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- W256303908 abstract "This study explores networks in an urban AfroAmerican community to discover to what extent and represent for a Cooperation is viewed herein in larger context of cultural adaptation. Some cultural traits such as etiquette and polite codes of behavior, larger familial and friendship networks, mutai aid associations, and behavior suggested in concept of soul brother, which have been suggested in literature, will be described and analyzed. Much of recent literature on Afro-Americans has dealt exclusively with negative physical and psychic adaptations of blacks living in chaos and disorder in America's ghettos. This world has been portrayed as one of gangs (Keiser 1969), streetcorner men (Liebow 1967), psychotics (Grier and Cobbs 1968), prostitutes (Slim 1969), hustlers (Heard 1968), and jack-leg preachers (Fauset 1944), dominated by a matriarchal society (Moynihan 1965). The purpose of this paper is to describe some of cooperative networks that contribute to strength and solidarity as survival necessities in black community (Arensberg 1965). No initial postulates were proposed for this study; however, Herskovits (1941) had suggested some specific positive adaptations contributing to survival such as etiquette and polite codes of behavior, indirection, tolerance, larger familial and friendship networks, and mutual aid associations. These appear to still be valid. The data is based on a descriptive ethnography of a predominantly black community of 10,000 people in a larger industrial metropolitan city of northern United States. The neighborhood typifies in many respects those common elements usually conceived of as ghetto characteristics. It is definitely a high crime area. Overcrowding exists, and housing is badly deteriorated. Dirt, litter, broken glass, boarded up houses, and empty lots abound. The sidewalks and pavements are cracked. Streetcorner men and crap This content downloaded from 207.46.13.148 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 04:19:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 026 URBAN ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 2 (1), 1973 games are visible and so are many children playing in street. Noises are everywhere: laughter, conversations, sirens screaming, dogs barking, drunks shouting, quarrels, glass breaking. In many other respects, neighborhood resembles a small town much more than it does large urban ghettos most frequently described in literature. Unlike Chicago, New York, Boston, and Washington, D.C., there are no brownstones, row houses or walk-ups. Housing is predominantly small single and double wooden frame dwelling units on 25 foot lots. Although most of grass in front yards is gone, there are still some small enclosed backyards with grass and gardens. Some blocks have a house on every lot, but now most blocks have a number of vacant lots which lend a feeling of greater spaciousness to area. Some of these lots are overrun with weeds and tall grasses; others are used for vegetable gardens, automobile repairs, dumps, or tot lots. The neighborhood until about twenty years ago was populated almost entirely by Germans and their descendents although there were also some Irish and Italians. Beginning with initial migration of blacks into area and until very recently, area was still considered one of stable residents the best neighborhood for blacks at that time. Now, with an influx of people from other areas, who were caught up in path of urban renewal, neighborhood reflects steady deterioration and many of characteristics typically associated with slums. Not long ago, there were supermarkets, bakeries, laundromats, drycleaners, hardware stores, drugstores, liquor stores and bars. Now, at least to windshield observer, there appear to be only bars and small corner stores. The residents of neighborhood are markedly bluecollar workers of lower to lower-middle class socio-economic status. There is also a high proportion of older residents whose children are grown. Youth under nineteen represent forty to fifty percent of population. The percent of maximum poverty hovers around fifty percent mark. Most of adult population were born in south and migrated to city after Second World War. Despite representative indices of poverty which this community reflects, there are extensive cooperative measures. By cooperative measures herein, I mean any form of aid or assistance rendered by one or more persons to other individuals. They can be obligatory or voluntary. In spatial terms, one can also think of cooperative networks of varying degrees of intensity and inclusiveness or exclusiveness. The most inclusive on-going obligatory cooperative network would, of course, be that of related kin. More loosely structured networks such as community organizations exist on a more voluntary basis with less intensity and inclusiveness. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.148 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 04:19:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Mithun COOPERATION AND SOLIDARITY 027 The earliest historical roots for much of this cooperative behavior may lie in African heritage which has been more extensively debated than documented. I cannot attempt to discuss arguments in this short paper; there are numerous examples in Afro-American literature. Most scholars would argue, however, that single most formidable and influential Afro-American institution since slavery was black (DuBois 1903). It served as major socializing vehicle for most Afro-Americans unto present generation. Members of body conceive of themselves as an extended family and address one another as brothers and sisters in Lord. The familiar secularization of this form of appellation derives directly from church. Church members not only address each other as brother and sister; ideally, they are expected to treat one another in same manner. Earlier patterns of cooperation among members, such as soliciting funds for needy individuals and worthy causes, communal meals, and providing transportation and temporary residence for those who need it, persist to this day. The black church, which served as a way station on underground railroad during slavery, still forms a crucial link in cooperative network of black It continues to provide black community, locally and nationally, with many of its prominent leaders. For blacks, is still viewed as a way station on road to freedom. When Black Panther Party divorced itself from church, its members found themselves out of favor with whole black community. The Panthers' public apology for mistakes that were made when they neglected relevance of church is of upmost significance (Newton 1972). The black serves as a primary communication link for black community in times of crisis and as a major vehicle for advancement in civil rights" @default.
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- W256303908 date "1973-01-01" @default.
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- W256303908 title "Cooperation and Solidarity as Survival Necessities in a Black Urban Community." @default.
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