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• W256916726 abstract "The message of both TV programs and sales talk is that watchers should spend whatever is necessary to be like everybody else. Wendell Berry, 1990 If I turn TV on, it's for sound of another voice. Linny, age 84 Identification is discussed in social learning literature as an internalization process whereby a role model's attributes or behavior are adopted as one's own (Maccoby, 1980). Since role learning is a lifelong experience, same dynamics of identification could be relevant in late-life experiences (Ebaugh, 1988). In late life, identification could take form of emulating a model of perceived successful adaptation or consciously discounting or ignoring models perceived to be irrelevant. I would argue that choosing or discounting a model is similar to way we images generally. We see images or models in relation to how we see ourselves. In her classic study ofMerrill Court, Arlene Hochschild (1973) found that her subjects did not identify with grandmothers on television because the TV grandmother, unlike real grandmother, was not old, was not widowed, and was not poor. Instead, Hochschild found real grandmothers identifying with their daughters or granddaughters. Moving into a new home was used as an example; grandmother's keen interest in details of moving were mixed with reminiscence of her own newhome experience of decades earlier. Hochschild found that identification based on family ties and one's own past seemed prevalent in Merrill Court. Television might have been part of everyday consumption patterns, which included newspaper and sometimes radio. Yet images of in media were not supplying role models for identification purposes, in either Hochschild's research or my own. The following discussion will focus on inconspicuous consumption patterns I observed in I999 while studying a small sample of elderly who were aging in in Maine. Identification with role models and identification with place will provide relevant conceptual framing. However, more needs to be said about lifestyle and self-reflections of elders in my sample before commenting further on how they see images of in media. Identification with place is logically crucial for situating these elders, who lived on a peninsula identified by outsiders with town of Blue Hill, approximately two-thirds up coast of Maine (or down east, according to locals). Stretching southward from Blue Hill are relatively small communities (population 2,500 or fewer) of Brooklin, Sedgwick, and Sargentville. They are small compared to Blue Hill, which has numerous businesses, a small hospital, and a small-town ambience that residents are working to maintain as population grows. Early settlers date back to 1700s, and local historical societies display artifacts from those times. Examples of current livelihoods in area are boat building and fishing. Local elders are well aware of both change and continuity in area, as most had parents and grandparents who grew up in same vicinity. During a four-month period, I met with older residents of three smaller communities, which, aside from hubs of post office, grocery, and gas station, were primarily stretches of road, sparsely populated. Coward and Krout (1998) review diverse environments characterized as in order to demonstrate that agreement as to what constitutes rural is not readily available. Noting that researchers have moved away from rural-urban dichotomy, these researchers reject U.S. Census guideline of population smaller than 2,500 in favor of such defining features as sparse population far removed from a large urban center. Rowles (1988) offers still more useful characteristics: low population density, spatial isolation, and a high degree of population homogeneity and stability. More to point is Rowles's approach, which is based on entering worlds of his elderly subjects in order to understand what means to them. …" @default.
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• W256916726 date "2001-10-01" @default.
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• W256916726 title "Inconspicuous Consumption: How a Small Sample of Rural Elders See Images in the Media" @default.
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