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• W2592801095 abstract "Social and cultural influences on causal models of illness Elizabeth B. Lynch (bethlynch@northwestern.edu) Department of Psychology, 2029 Sheridan Road Evanston, IL 60208 USA different cognitive processes in order to effectively predict the behavior of ontologically distinct objects. This view predicts and explains cross-cultural universals in human thinking. Sperber and Hirschfeld (2004) argue that stability of cultural knowledge results from the universal structure of the human mind, in particular the fact that all minds process information in similar, highly constrained ways. For example, there is striking cross-cultural uniformity in folkbiological knowledge. Medin and Atran (in press) argue that cross-cultural uniformity in thinking and behavior with regard to plants and animals is due to the existence of a universal cognitive module, the folkbiology module, that evolved specifically to process information about plants and animals. Despite differences in experience or environmental input, minds are universally constrained to construct a particular kind of representation of plants and animals – hence, cultural uniformity and stability. Abstract Causal models of illness vary extensively across socio-cultural groups. The current paper describes two studies that were designed to explore the role of universal domain-specific causal knowledge in causal models of illness. The first study compares illness causal models in three American groups: registered nurses, energy healers, and college undergraduates. The second study examines illness causal models in a group of Maya in Guatemala. In all groups illness models are composed of systematic combinations of domain-specific causes. It is argued that analysis of causal models in terms of domain-specific causal types reveals similarities in illness models that would be obscured by comparison of specific, detailed causes. The analysis of illness models as patterns of domain-specific causes suggests that American energy healers have models of illness that are more similar to those of the Maya than to illness models of American undergraduates and RNs. Introduction The current paper presents two descriptive studies that demonstrate how universal domain-specific knowledge is expressed in causal models of illness, which are characterized by cross-cultural diversity rather than uniformity. Domain-specificity theory implies that, just as there are different ontological kinds of objects in the world (e.g. mental and physical objects), there are also different kinds of causal mechanisms. For example, there are psychological causal mechanisms, like intentionality, which explain behavior of animate objects, and there are physical causal mechanisms which explain the behavior of inanimate objects. One role of cognitive modules is to constrain the search for causal explanations by delimiting the range of possible causes for a particular phenomenon. Thus, causes can be divided into types based on the module with which they are associated. For example, blocked arteries and chemical imbalance are physical causes of illness. Low self- esteem and problems in love relationships are psychological causes. These causes differ in specific detail but are of the same type. Causal models of illness can be analyzed in terms of the kinds of causes of which they are composed. An issue of interest to both anthropologists and psychologists is the extent to which conceptual representations are affected by socio-cultural factors and the mechanisms by which this influence occurs. The extent to which thinking varies across cultures depends in large part on the content of the domain. For example, the domain of folkbiology is characterized by striking similarities across cultures, while less consistency has been observed in social attribution (Choi, Nisbett & Norenzayan, 1999) moral reasoning (Miller, Bersoff, & Harwood, 1990, Haidt, Koller, & Dias, 1993), and reasoning about illness (Murdock, 1980; Kleinman, 1978). In general, theories of cultural knowledge transmission that explain diversity of knowledge are distinct from ones that explain uniformity. Explanations for cultural diversity often assume that the mind is a “blank slate,” open to any form of knowledge (Atran, 2001; Pinker, 2000; Sperber & Hirschfeld, 2004). In contrast, explanations of uniformity in knowledge across cultures appeal to a view of the mind as a highly structured, modular information-processing device. As Pinker (2000), Atran (2001), and Sperber & Hirschfeld (2004) argue, the view of the mind as a blank slate is almost certainly wrong. There is plenty of evidence that the mind is not a blank slate, but is structured in a modular way such that qualitatively distinct reasoning processes are utilized for different kinds of phenomena (Carey & Gelman, 1991; Hirschfeld & Gelman, 1994, Pinker, 2004). One important dimension of variation among cultural belief systems about illness is whether illness is attributed to psychological causes – human or spiritual agents – or to natural causes (Murdock, 1980, Foster, 1976). In a world survey of illness theories, Murdock (1980) found that every cultural group in his sample (which did not include industrialized societies) explained (at least some) illness in terms of spirit aggression. Spirit aggression is a psychological cause. In contrast, biomedical theories of illness (used by medical doctors) explain illness using physical causes. One explanation for this difference is that The mind, like other parts of the natural world, evolved in an environment with a particular structure. The modular nature of the mind is the result of evolutionary adaptations to the objective structure of the world. The mind evolved" @default.
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• W2592801095 title "Social and cultural influences on causal models of illness" @default.
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