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• W2595124383 abstract "IntroductionThe Chinese party-state's switch to market incentives and competition-based compensation, while contributing mightily to the nation's modernity, has at the same time been at the very root of China's new urban poverty. Official concession that this is the case has sometimes been articulated quite openly, as in this statement:Following the prosperous development of the market economy, urban residents' rice bowl is no longer iron; adding on other unforeseen events, some staff and workers' basic livelihood has met with difficulty. (l)The main point here is that the incidence of urban indigence shot sharply upward once state and collective enterprises were enjoined to cut back drastically on their workforces after the mid-1990s. At the same time, with the total overhaul of the economy and its institutions, traditional welfare entitlements were also taken away,In the 1990s, the Chinese leadership became cognizant of and deeply concerned over these negative externalities of marketisation. Most especially, its members agonised over the potential political impact of these deprivations on its hallowed objectives of stability and a successful project of state enterprise reform. For securing these aims was deemed essential to the grander goal that has undergirded every undertaking of the post-Mao state: this is the modernity of the nation, particularly of its metropolises. Accordingly, the political elite initiated a novel welfare approach to handle the people most severely affected by economic restructuring - and therefore those most antithetical to the objective of smoothly sailing progress. These targeted persons constitute a category comprised of a never-before so sizable segment of the city populace: they were newly-minted, state-policy-provoked, dirt-poor urbanites living in the midst of what still calls itself socialist China.After a half dozen years of grass-roots experimentation, in the place of the old urban work-unit-grounded, relatively universal, automatic security entitlements granted by the enterprises in the municipalities of the era, the state inaugurated a discretionary, means-tested cash transfer program, (3) the Minimum Livelihood Guarantee (zuidi shenghuo baozhang), popularly referenced as the dibao. If not in intent at least in fallout it is much akin to what Tony Judt has written of modern welfare reform in Western settings, in that both introduce conditionality into social citizenship by forcing the beneficiaries to pass certain tests and demonstrate appropriate behavior.(4) Perhaps it is most surprising to find this practice in a state that for its urban residents was once considerably egalitarian and rather munificent.The charge of the dibao was to provide for urban residents whose household income failed to reach a locally-determined minimal threshold; the method was to supplement that income to the extent necessary to bring the family's monthly wherewithal up to the level deemed requisite for basic survival in that region.(5) The project was proudly labelled by its publicists a standardised, legalised, guarantee system, (6) a characterisation more aspirational than actual, especially at the time of the plan's national promulgation in September 1999.p> Much like reformed Western welfare programs, it reeks of distrust of its objects; unlike similar schemes in democracies, however, its administrators are ably assisted by the recipients' co-residents in their community courtyards.The idea behind the policy amounted to supplying individuals with funds that were just enough to keep body and soul together, in the words of its leading scholar within China, Tang Jun." @default.
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• W2595124383 date "2008-10-01" @default.
• W2595124383 modified "2023-09-27" @default.
• W2595124383 title "The Dibao Recipients" @default.
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