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• W2599295114 abstract "Introduction:There is little doubt that the resurgence of Islam has been influencing the social and political landscape of the Muslim world. The Islamic revival brought new actors into the political arena, including Islamist movements that began to challenge the status quo in the Muslim-majority states. A number of authoritarian regimes were targeted by such movements. As a viable response to these challengers, the incumbent authoritarian governments of the Muslim world have sought to discover through trial and error a formula with which to counter the 'threat' posed to their rule by Islamist opposition.1 Their response and reactions varied vastly from complete repression (e.g., Syria in 1982, Algeria since 1992), to some form of inclusion (e.g., Malaysia, Indonesia, Pakistan) and a mix of toleration and repression (e.g., Egypt, Kazakhstan).After the collapse of the USSR, the process of Islamic revival swiftly accelerated as new Central Asian states began to re-establish their historical links with the Muslim world reinforcing their Islamic identity, which had defined Central Asian culture, traditions, and the way of life for centuries. According to Peyrouse, the new Central Asian states were now free to seize their identity in order to turn it into an element of national assertion as well as social bases of political power.2While the Islamic revival has been generally accepted as a positive development within the framework of identity-building and reclaiming traditional cultural heritage, the fear of Islamic resurgence appears to emanate from Islam's potential to mobilize elites and masses in a political movement (e.g., as an Islamic political party) to challenge the incumbent regimes. Thus, fearing threat to the secular regimes of Central Asia, many authoritarian regimes including Kazakhstan and Tajikistan, currently employ restrictive policies with regard to Islamic practices to maintain the political status quo.3Generally, we can divide the new Islamic actors in Central Asian politics into two categories: (1) moderate and (2) radical movements. In defining these terms, we follow Hafez's conceptualization of moderates as individuals and groups that shun violence and insurgency as a strategy to effect social change and, instead, seek to work through state institutions, civic associations, or nonviolent organizations. On the contrary, radicals are actors who reject accommodation with the state regime, refuse to participate in its institutions, and insist on the necessity of violent revolution or mass mobilization to Islamize society and politics.4Even though many, if not all, among the regions' Islamic actors were moderates, the Muslim Central Asian regimes were ill-prepared to adequately channel the post-Soviet Islamic revival. Specifically, the institutional infrastructure to handle the rapidly growing Islamic resurgence was inadequate. Perhaps most importantly, all Central Asian states were ill-prepared for the sudden influx of foreign radical preachers and recruiters. In this respect, the issue of Islamic education became a leading concern, which demanded immediate attention in the context of the post-Soviet Central Asia. While the threat of radical extremism is often exaggerated and misused by the incumbent autocratic regimes in the region, the underlying danger of global religious radical networks is real, posing an imminent danger to all Central Asian Muslim-majority states.While the role of Islamic education is an important social prerequisite for deterring Islamic radicalism, Islamic education is an explanatory variable to prevent radicalization. Clearly, systematic analysis of the state, trends, and patterns of Islamic education, and its implications on the Muslim world, remains a high priority for both scholars and policymakers. In an attempt to bridge this gap, this article asks two pressing questions: 'To what extent does Islamic education matter in explaining the dynamics of Islamic radicalism? …" @default.
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• W2599295114 date "2011-01-01" @default.
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• W2599295114 title "Islamic Revival, Education and Radicalism in Central Asia" @default.
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