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- W2600608918 abstract "Drawing on new data from a study of mobilities and well-being experiencedthrough transition management, this chapter takes a relational approach toconsider the value of familial inter-generational activities in the context ofmobilities. The chapter draws on existing literature and on new empiricaldata. This includes interviews with a sample of fifty-one people aged 55+ inthree sites in northern England, carried out in spring and summer 2014. Thechapter concludes by considering the implications of our findings in light ofthe growing number of people who will age without children, and thereforewhose inter-generational connections will need to be built beyond traditionalfamily networks.If there is a marked ‘mobilities turn’ in social sciences, mobilities has alsoplayed a part in creating a new paradigm of ageing. For if social science‘treats as normal stability, meaning and place’ (Sheller and Urry 2006, 208)then the ‘good’ old age has been characterised as static, emplaced (often inthe home setting) and feeding off deep roots in small places. New paradigmsof ageing have emerged in which the ‘third age’ is built on a diversity of postwork lifestyle options and freedoms built from consumption that blur ideasabout a fixed life-course with a predictable post-retirement pattern (see Gilleardand Higgs 2000). Within this, the freedom to be mobile is critically associatedwith independence and choice-making, with a normative expectation of automobility1 and aero-mobility for a group that grew up with the emergence of thepackage holiday. Within social policy, the mobility of older people is alsounderstood as connectivity to social, intellectual and cultural stimuli, whilemobility as exercise is seen as part of the recipe to keep older people active and,significant in this argument, from bearing down too heavily on pressed NHSresources.Various commentators have deepened our understanding of the notion ofmobility, and developed nuanced insights into how the concept is experiencedin later life (Nordbakke and Schwanen 2014; Parkhurst et al. 2012; Prohaskaet al. 2011; Ziegler and Schwanen 2011). Recent work has reviewed what isknown about the different dimensions and facets of mobility, drawing upon awide range of perspectives to inform how the term can be defined and conceptualised (Stjernborg et al. 2014). Some definitions of mobility focus on thephysical ability to move limbs and to move the body, for example to walk overshort distances and to be able to use public transport. ‘Mobility dependency’has been defined as needing help or being unable to walk 400 yards, climb upor down stairs, or get on a bus (Ayis et al. 2006). Others measure mobility interms of calories consumed (Sawatzky et al. 2007), or the number of trips ordistance travelled. Here, mobility can operate at national or global scale,assisted by planes and other technologies, while at the smallest scale ‘micromobilities’ include ‘taking a couple of steps on one’s property, supervisingmaintenance work, conversing with neighbours’ (Lord et al. 2011, 58). A numberof mobility measures assess the actual ‘life space’ experienced such as roomsor places visited (e.g. Peel et al. 2005; Zeitler et al. 2012). Others measureresources for mobility such as access to cars and to social networks (e.g.Gagliardi et al. 2007). Alternatively, mobility can be seen as a latent capacity,and potentially as one incorporating a subjective element: for example, as ‘theability to choose where, when and which activities to take part in outside thehome in everyday life’ (Nordbakke 2013, 166).Whichever definitions are used, mobility tends to vary with age. Forexample, only 4 per cent of those aged 16-49 have a ‘mobility difficulty’, but thisrises to 10 per cent of those aged 50-59, 18 per cent of those aged 60-69, and38 per cent of those aged over 70. Annual distance travelled per year peaks inthe 40s and then declines. The number of trips people make per year peaks inthe 50s and then declines (Department for Transport 2011). Nevertheless,Hjorthol (2013) concluded that whilst the desired level of activity maydiminish in later life, the importance of mobility for older people does notdiminish. However, whilst mobility is clearly affected by health (Fristedt et al.2014), research has also emphasised a wide range of other factors includinggender, household type, employment circumstances, income and access totransport services. Webber et al. (2010) encapsulated these dimensions in amodel that puts forward seven life-space locations, ranging from the room inwhich an individual sleeps to the wider world, each of which is composed ofmobility determinants related to financial, psychosocial, environmental, physicaland cognitive factors. Finally, they suggest that gender, biographical and culturalinfluences exert an influence on all five determinants. Linked with these latterinfluences, Manderscheid (2014) has argued that too often movement hasbeen conceptualised as the product of individual decisions by autonomousagents. She contests the autonomy of the solo traveller and calls for a relationalapproach to mobility that pays attention to how a person’s choice of travelroute and travel mode is shaped by the mobility practices and representationsof others, belonging to their family or social network.Thus, while mobility is often seen as determined by a combination of indi-vidual physical functions, car ownership and transport systems, in this chapterwe consider the mobilities of older people through a relational approach thatexplores the nature and extent to which the families, generations andnetworks in which older people are embedded promote or inhibit their mobility(see Hopkins and Pain 2007 for a discussion of the benefits of thinking relationally about age). Mobility can be caused by, enabled by or otherwise linkedto social relations, duties and motivation. In practice, social relations providea major motive for mobility, through companionship on journeys for pleasureand by providing destinations. Social relations can also affect people’s abilityto act on motives for travel, for example, by providing confidence and support,as well as practical assistance such as lifts in cars, pushing a wheelchair orhelp with fares. The nature or absence of social relations can also play aninhibiting role, where others’ wants, needs or restricted mobility may have anegative impact on mobility, or if people have no-one to visit or to travelwith. Further, the attitudes of others may also either inhibit or encourage thepotential for mobility.Inter-generational relations are distinct from relations with contemporariesand peer group. The term inter-generational encapsulates a broad sweep ofsocial relations that may be familial, but can also be non-familial in nature(including friends or other forms of social contact). In this chapter we focuson ‘familial inter-generational’ where the relationship can be with parents,children and grandchildren." @default.
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- W2600608918 date "2016-10-04" @default.
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- W2600608918 title "Moving between generations? The role of intergenerational relations in older people’s mobility" @default.
- W2600608918 doi "https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315589251-10" @default.
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