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• W2605698829 abstract "PITIFUL GIANTS: PRESIDENTS IN THEIR FINAL TERMS By Daniel P. Franklin. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. xii + 228 pp.All having served in our nation's most important political office, will face being a lame duck. In Pitiful Giants: Presidents In Their Final Terms, Daniel Franklin argues that 22nd Amendment magnifies problems of these faltering giants because term-limits create a lengthier period of institutional decline. The lens then should be focused on leaving presidents rather than exclusively on incoming presidents who, as they lose some of their informal powers, should be more likely to turn to an expansive use of constitutional power.In Introduction, Franklin explains that all lame duck presidencies are same. Some choose not to run for reelection, some lose their bid for reelection, and others are term-limited. Because of 22nd Amendment, every president in their second term is a lame duck which means that reelection introduces an inevitable decline in power. The challenge lies in how they work with tools at their disposal. Franklin contends the Constitution is most likely source of power for leaving presidents, but book does not focus exclusively on their use of constitutional powers. Instead, in each chapter he considers how leaving presidents use their powers to maximize their opportunities for policy gains.As part of his investigation, Franklin provides some expectations of presidents when they are on their way out of office rather than on their way in. Lame duck presidents are likely to issue more vetoes and more will be overridden by Congress. They are more likely to issue executive orders and regulatory activity even though former may be revoked or altered by incoming president. Lame ducks should be more likely to use their pardon power to protect friends and legacy. We should see greater activity in foreign affairs. On other hand, lame duck president should have less opportunity for actions that require congressional support including legislative leadership, appointments, treaties, and reauthorizations of presidential power. Presidents, then, must be creative in exercising influence in other ways. To illustrate points he is trying to make, Franklin uses short case studies in shaded boxes within and at end of each chapter.In Chapter 1, Franklin considers leaving presidents and their relationship with Congress. He defines lame duck status as being final congressional session or last two years in office, yet argues that second-term presidents could be considered lame ducks for their entire second term. To test this, he compares Congressional Quarterly (CQ) support scores for first and second session of four two-term presidents (Eisenhower, Reagan, Clinton, and G.W. Bush) and finds that a difference between 57% and 51% respectively. Franklin acknowledges that difficulty lies in trying to disentangle lame duck status, second term presidents (the 22nd Amendment), and divided government. In order to analyze for effect of 22nd Amendment on legislative leadership, Franklin uses Legislative Productivity Index (LPI) and Major Legislative Index (MLI) constructed by Grant and Kelly (2008) for 1787-2004. Although these are not a substitute for presidential support scores, LPI and MLI are lower during administration of lame duck although results are not statistically significant. In The President's Legislative Agenda, 1789-2002 (2012) Cohen uses a single data source to consider view from 1st to 100th Congress. 1 In this broader view Cohen finds that lame duck presidents have lower support scores in second Congress rather than first Congress of their last term in office, arguing presidents benefit from Light's (1991, 1999) cycle of increasing effectiveness (2012, 235). Franklin finds that LPI and MLI are higher during periods of divided government which suggests to him that presidents can more easily overcome divided government than lame duck status. …" @default.
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• W2605698829 date "2016-04-01" @default.
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• W2605698829 title "Pitiful Giants: Presidents in Their Final Terms" @default.
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