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• W2626858554 abstract "Founded by Hassan Al-Banna1 in 1928, Society of Muslim Brotherhs grew from organized groups of activist students2. Concerned capturing hearts and minds of Egyptian educated youth, it arose from within predominant social cleavage. By turn of twentieth century, central issue of Egyptian identity revolved around two opinion blocks: modernists, whom argued renaissance was possible only trough adopting western values and benefitting from their social, cultural and political products - solution was rule of law and secularization; and Islamic revivalists whom considered Egyptians could benefit from western technological advancements, while concomitantly reinforce Islamic values and liberate Egypt from foreign occupation. Islamic scholars feared that liberal secular camp aimed replicate Ataturk's national model in Egypt3, viewing long Ottoman inheritance as a symbol of legitimate persistence of Islam in politics.Springing from that particular temporal and geographic context4, party was grow from Al-Banna's eagerness spread teachings of Islam, Ikhwan's Islamist nature becoming an outcome of both country's historical context and confessional structure.THE MASS PARTYAfter he graduated, Al-Banna was assigned teach in Isma'iliyya. He became an informal leader in community and extended his activism, mastering direct communication people5, while penetrate as many sectors of society. While focusing on local sources of power6, first mass party dimensions were contoured: infiltration into local social groups and creation of extensive arrays of supportive organizations.Whilst Al-Banna focused on his activism in Isma'iliyya, he did not forget student circles he organized in Cairo, and maintained contact with his friends whom he had pledged himself serve message of Islam7 - from its infancy, Society possessed political parties' dimensions: permanent organization at local level, regularized communications and other relationships between units; was concerned followers at polls or in some manner strived for popular support8. The organization also performed specific political party functions: articulated its followers concepts and meanings of broader community9 and it was intimately involved in recruitment and selection of future opinion leaders10. In first three years of its existence, Society endeavored enlargement of its membership; soon, it had headquarters in Isma'iliyya11 and a large base of permanently active dues-paying members made efforts to disseminate party's ideology and establish an active membership base12. The rural environment was favorable for gathering adherents by activation of disenfranchised elements of society. The interwar period marked beginning of production of statistical data13, breading peasant question: public intellectuals evoked images of rural decay and criminality could only be answered through social reform, achieve rural renaissance. A complex of new values had be introduced, since some contemporary views blamed rural poverty on peasant culture. New moral and social education was solution. As Inglehart and Norris argue, the poorest societies14 live much greater vulnerability forces threaten their existence, so they're more likely than those in developed nations rely on religion for hope15. Thus, interwar Egyptians were a sure target for a religious fundamentalist mass party on rise was seeking reorganize state and society around a strict reading of religious doctrinal principles16.For al-Banna, it was essential create an identity-movement would embody Islamic values and ideals in everyday life, reformulate societal norms and practices be more Islamic and weave a new identity for Egyptians. …" @default.
• W2626858554 created "2017-06-23" @default.
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• W2626858554 date "2015-07-01" @default.
• W2626858554 modified "2023-09-24" @default.
• W2626858554 title "The Society of the Muslim Brothers . an Islamist Political Party? Participation in a Confined Political System" @default.
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