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• W2757201815 abstract "Usage-based phonology (Bybee 2001, 2006, 2010), which is based on exemplar theory (Pierrehumbert 2001, 2003), proposes a memory capacity so expansive that, in theory, all tokens experienced in life could be mapped onto their respective exemplar clouds. However, if a token is similar enough to an existing one, it is simply mapped directly onto that existing token, reinforcing it in memory. This model proposes a very limited need for generative rules to produce the surface form, as the surface forms themselves are stored whole in memory and therefore can be directly accessed during production. It follows that derived words need not be formed by means of a base form, especially if the derived form is of a high enough frequency or if the derived form has a higher frequency than its base form (Hay 2001). Similarly, inflected words within a paradigm may gain autonomy if they are of a high enough frequency (Bybee 1985). Further, Bybee (1985, 2001, 2010) proposes networks of associations between phonetically and semantically related words, such as members of the same inflectional paradigm and derivationally related words. It is proposed that high-frequency words can be part of the access route of retrieval during the production of related low-frequency words. This process can lead to the regularization of these lowor lower-frequency words. Hence, as used in this paper, refers to the influence that highor higher-frequency words can exert over related lowor lower-frequency words, whether they are related by inflection or derivation. The access route of retrieval refers to which of the two routes a speaker (subconsciously) takes to access inflected or derived words: the compositional route or the whole-form route. The compositional route refers to an inflected or derived word being accessed by means of its component morphemes. The whole-form route allows complex words to be accessed directly, bypassing the component parts. Examples of this paradigmatic peer-pressure given by Bybee (2001) include the English pairs house-houses and louse-lice. Because house is more frequent than houses (187,654 hits to 25,175, or seven times more frequent in the Corpus of Contemporary American English [COCA], Davies 2009), it can be part of the access route of the plural, and can therefore lead to the regularization of the etymologically voiced sibilant to a voiceless one: hou[z]es to hou[s]es. Similarly, because the plural lice is more frequent than the singular louse (606 hits to 133, or four times more frequent in the same corpus) lice is part of the access route of louse and has, in fact, replaced the etymological diphthong in louse with the one in lice ([lau s] to [lai s]), as the average speaker is unaware that louse is (or more appropriately, was) the singular of lice. Contrary to these examples in which a more-frequent member of a paradigm affects a less-frequent member, the words in the pair child-children show no change in their respective root vowels; both maintain their different base vowels: ch[ai ]ld and ch[I]ldren. There are two likely reasons that they retain their vowels. First, the difference in frequencies of the two words is not large enough for one to form part of the access route of the other (children is not quite twice as frequent as child in the COCA: 231,314 hits to 118,601). Secondly, the overall frequency of the singular may allow it to gain autonomy within the paradigm and thus resist morpho-phonemic" @default.
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• W2757201815 date "2011-01-01" @default.
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• W2757201815 title "Paradigmatic Peer-Pressure:Word-Medial, Syllable-Initial /s/ Lenition in Dominican Spanish" @default.
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