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• W2765889110 abstract "Agents and Affordances: Listeners Look for What They Don’t Hear Caitlin M. Fausey (cmfausey@psych.stanford.edu) Department of Psychology, Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305 USA Teenie Matlock (tmatlock@ucmerced.edu) Cognitive Science Program, University of California, Merced Merced, CA 95344 USA Daniel C. Richardson (dcr@ucsc.edu) Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz Santa Cruz, CA 95064 USA Abstract language comprehension and judgment tasks. For example, when discriminating sensible from nonsensical sentences, participants answered fastest when the location of the response was consistent with the movement described by the sensible sentence, as in pressing a button close to the body after reading “open the drawer” (Glenberg & Kaschak, 2002). In a part-judgment task, participants were faster to verify parts toward the upper half of objects when they made responses requiring upward movement, and lower parts with downward movement (Borghi, Glenberg & Kaschak, 2004). Evidence for tight links between semantic and motor representations of object affordances has been found when movements themselves are the dependent measure. Creem and Proffitt (2001) found different grasping behavior when participants either did or did not concurrently perform a semantic task while grasping. Without an additional task (or with an unrelated spatial task), participants grasped objects such as combs, spatulas and paintbrushes by their handles. When completing a concurrent semantic task, this normal grasping behavior was disrupted. This effect suggests that normal object-directed movement relies on semantic knowledge about object affordances. Even when no overt response is required of experimental participants, representations of object affordances may still be active. One source of evidence in support of this claim is the finding that neural circuits that are activated during grasping are also activated when people simply view manipulable objects (Chao & Martin, 2000). Additional evidence that suggests an automatic activation of knowledge about object affordances comes from eyetracking studies. Affordances and eyetracking. Eyetracking provides one measure of how people integrate background knowledge, language and visual information in real time. Researchers have studied the interaction of eye movements and linguistic processing in various ways: Many studies have examined the contribution of eye movements to resolving ambiguities in sentence understanding (e.g., Tanenhaus, Spivey- Knowlton, Eberhard & Sedivy, 1995) while others have reversed the question and examined the influence of language itself on visual processing (e.g., Richardson & Matlock, 2007). How do implicit aspects of language guide overt perceptual behavior? In this eyetracking study, we examined whether different ways of describing objects and actions would influence the visual processing of objects with affordances. Specifically, we were interested in the effect of different information about the agent of an action. English-speaking adults viewed objects with interactive regions, such as handles, knobs or buttons. Participants viewed each object after listening to a sentence with or without information about an agent. Participants were faster to fixate the interactive region of objects after hearing non-agentive language than after hearing agentive language, as if they were searching to fill an “agent information gap”. These results may inform theories about how global knowledge and local linguistic information mutually determine visual inspection of objects. Keywords: Affordances; Language-mediated eye movements Introduction Much of our everyday understanding of physical objects is grounded in affordances. This includes tacit knowledge about how objects are canonically oriented, what they are used for and, critically, how we interact with them. We know, for instance, that pitchers have handles for pouring, cars have steering wheels for driving and guns have triggers for shooting. The current study examines object affordances at the interface of language and visual processing. Do different linguistic environments change how people visually inspect objects that afford human action? Specifically, how might language that differentially codes for agency guide attention to interactive regions of these objects? The notion that visual, motor and linguistic representations are tightly linked has received empirical support in recent years (e.g., Barsalou, 1999; Glenberg, 1997; Pecher & Zwaan, 2005). For example, Tucker and Ellis (1998) found that people were faster to judge whether a cup was right side up or upside down when the cup handle was on the same side of the screen as the hand with which they made their response than when the handle was on the opposite side of the response hand. Glenberg and colleagues have observed similar “action compatibility effects” in" @default.
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• W2765889110 title "Agents and Affordances: Listeners Look for What They Don't Hear" @default.
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