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• W2783258524 abstract "Mutuality and Male Headship:Liturgical Evidence from Marriage Rituals throughout History David M. Friel (bio) Does the Christian faith espouse the model of mutuality within marriage, or does it embrace rather the model of male headship? This question, formulated in various ways, is the source of much contemporary debate.1 Discussion about the essential structure of married life has emerged most often in the fields of scripture studies and pastoral theology, while comparatively little consideration has been given to the question from the standpoint of liturgical theology. What follows is an exploration of various marriage rituals in search of evidence for either a male-headship or equal-regard approach to the spousal relationship. Beginning with the Jewish and Roman traditions and continuing with the liturgical rites of the Christian East and West (with special attention given to the recently released English translation of the Catholic Order for Celebrating Matrimony), we will form liturgically-based conclusions to contribute to this debate. [End Page 252] MARRIAGE TRADITIONS OF JUDAISM, THE ROMAN EMPIRE, AND THE CHRISTIAN EAST Jewish Tradition The Jewish wedding ceremony2 consists of two distinct stages, known as erusin (or kiddushin) and nissuin (or chuppah). Erusin and nissuin are similar to the stages of betrothal and marriage in Roman and Christian marriage, but the Jewish structures have different connotations than their counterparts. The first stage, erusin, conveys the sense that the woman is set aside for the man in the same fashion that sacred property (hekdesh) is set aside as the exclusive possession of the Temple priests.3 In this stage, the woman becomes eshet ish, that is, the wife of a particular man, who assumes the role of her master (ba'al). The husband as master could also be interpreted as owner, since erusin is related to the concept of wife-purchase (a concept present in the Hebrew Scriptures).4 Over time, the stage originally known as erusin came to be called kiddushin. This change in terminology reflects a subtle transformation in the essence of the practice, which moved away from the notion of bride-price and focused more clearly on the sanctification of the woman to the man.5 In this, we see a limited development away from male dominance, but certainly not the establishment of a [End Page 253] relationship among equals. Even kiddushin, with its sense of sanctifying women to their men, conveys the idea that men are covenanted directly by circumcision, whereas woman are covenanted only vicariously through their fathers or husbands.6 This first stage, by either of its titles, did not constitute marriage proper. The fullness of the married state came to pass only in the second stage, nissuin, a term that refers to the physical carrying of the wife to the husband's home. The term also carries overtones of ownership, inasmuch as rabbinic law required a thing to be lifted up in order for possession to be established. Thus, nissuin can be understood as the official transfer of the bride into the legal domain of her husband, established by the commencement of cohabitation. In both stages, the initiative for entering into marriage originates with the man, although the woman must share the desire to marry.7 In ancient Jewish society, a woman did not have legal standing apart from a male relative, whether that be her father, her husband, or another. For this reason, Jewish marriage customs are framed around the transferal of the bride's legal status. The transactional nature of classical rabbinic marriage is perhaps clearest in the drafting of the ketubah, a document that establishes the financial terms upon which the marriage is contingent. Notably, the amount of compensation that the bridegroom is obligated to offer for his bride varies according to whether or not she is a virgin.8 While this aspect of the ketubah certainly does not arise from a spirit of equity, it should also be remembered that the essential reason for such a document is the protection of the bride; the written agreement serves as a promissory note for the support of the woman in case of divorce or abuse on the part of the man.9 In modern times, the ketubah has not..." @default.
• W2783258524 created "2018-01-26" @default.
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• W2783258524 date "2017-01-01" @default.
• W2783258524 modified "2023-10-17" @default.
• W2783258524 title "Mutuality and Male Headship: Liturgical Evidence from Marriage Rituals throughout History" @default.
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• W2783258524 doi "https://doi.org/10.1353/atp.2017.0023" @default.
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