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• W278832008 abstract "National Liberation THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE WAS BORN IN 1980 AS A NATION WORKING TO BUILD a socialist society. By 1990, it had worked an about-face and appeared to be turning to a capitalist model of development. What happened? What do the events Zimbabwe portend for the possibility of socialism the periphery and for Zimbabwe itself? Since Zimbabwe's adoption of a socialist ideology of development predates its independence, it may be helpful to review briefly the recent history of its struggle for national liberation. For nearly two decades, a bloody war raged between the government of Rhodesia and two sometimes allied groups of freedom fighters, ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People's Union) and ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union). Based Zambia and Mozambique respectively, both guerrilla groups adopted socialist ideologies. Finally, while clearly losing on the battlefield, the Rhodesian government agreed to negotiations and eventually an election for majority rule. Those elections were won decidedly by ZANU and Robert Mugabe. Zimbabwe was born early 1980. ZANU has won every election since 1980, becoming the dominant political body Zimbabwe. The early social composition of ZANU was that of a broad liberation front based a multiclass alliance.(1) The mass base of ZANU was the country's rural peasantry, who had long resisted both colonialism and settler domination (Ranger, 1985). The early nationalist leadership was mostly made up of educated petty bourgeoisie from the cities. As will be seen, ZANU has remained a multiclass mass party and never actually transformed itself into a single-class vanguard. In an interview during 1984, Robert Mugabe acknowledged this historical identity: We are not a vanguard organization yet, we are a mass movement. Not every member of the party is necessarily a socialist. We still have people with bourgeois mentality the party...we have that element that is bourgeois. ZANU, the liberation movement, was a nationalist front fighting for political freedom and independence from white settler rule. This took expression popular goals such as majority rule and regaining lands lost during colonialism. This ideology enabled ZANU to organize Zimbabweans of various classes and backgrounds against minority rule. Terence Ranger's (1985) study of consciousness and the Zimbabwean liberation movement reveals that this nationalism was specified for the rural masses as the desire for land and a government that would look after them as well as the Rhodesian state had provided for white farmers. Ranger further emphasizes that land had always been central to the long history of peasant resistance Rhodesia and to the very beginnings of the modern liberation front. The people were told, sometimes with the powerful assistance of traditional religions, that national liberation would return their lands to them and allow them to live with dignity through their own self-reliant efforts. As a recent editorialist (Kabweza, 1992: 4) Zimbabwe remembers it, in those days, the people understood that the whites were to be driven out of Zimbabwe and the blacks would, once more, have as they had lived before 1990. Recently, the claim of widespread and cooperative mass support for ZANU has been questioned by a revisionist view that argues that peasant activities that further the guerrilla struggle were often the result of coercion or non-nationalistic group interest.(2) It is very likely that a variety of motivations explain why specific groups the various regions of Zimbabwe supported die armed struggle. Some may have accepted the whole ideology of liberation and socialism while others, acting their own material interests, saw the struggle as a way to achieve self-determination, land, personal freedom, or some other important, but perhaps more limited, goal.(3) What about socialism? Socialism was the professed goal of the leadership cadre within ZANU. …" @default.
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• W278832008 date "1994-12-22" @default.
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• W278832008 title "The Decline of Socialism in Zimbabwe" @default.
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