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• W27985912 abstract "Our interest in the negative side effects of educational practices emerged when one of us saw how surprised teachers were when they learned that there might be side effects from some of the behavioral interventions they were being trained to use in their classes (Wolery, Bailey, & Sugai, 1988). The teachers were even more surprised when they learned that known side effects had to be considered when deciding whether or not to use a behavioral intervention. Because of our experiences in schools and with children we came to the conviction that there are well-intended educational practices that may have known negative side effects. Our premise in this paper is that the negative side effects of educational practices ought to be considered when evaluating the benefits and risks of applying these practices to students. We will discuss the educational practices of retention, academic competition, and punishment, each of which has resulted in some harm to a portion of the school population to whom they have been applied. Retention: Clayton's Case Clayton (Gay, 1988) is a first grader whose academic performance is comparable to that of his peers. In fact, Clayton scored at the 62nd percentile on the California Achievement Test which was about average for his first grade class. Clayton's teacher, Mrs. Brown, became concerned about his academic performance after the mid-year December break. She noted that he had been much more successful in the earlier part of the year. Now, he was not doing well on teacher-made tests and was having difficulty staying on task and paying attention during class. Mrs. Brown investigated the cause for the changes in Clayton's behavior. She discovered that Clayton's parents were having marital difficulties and divorce proceedings had been initiated. Action to formalize the parents' separation occurred about March 1st, which was near the time Mrs. Brown noted Clayton's increasing difficulty with concentration. As the first grade year ended and Mrs. Brown considered the academic tasks Clayton would face as a second grader, she believed that he would have two strikes against him. First, Clayton would need to spend time and energy finding security for himself in his new family situation. From Mrs. Brown's experience with other first graders who endured the trauma of divorce, she knew this would have a higher priority for Clayton than would his school work. Second, Clayton's diminished success in reading during the last part of first grade coupled with the loss in academic skills that normally occurs over the summer would also work against him. Mrs. Brown concluded it would be better to retain Clayton so that he would have time to adjust to his new situation at home and have an easier time handling the school work he had already mastered. Had Mrs. Brown been familiar with the recent research on (e.g., Holmes & Matthews, 1984; Kelly & Valero, 1988; Rafoth, Dawson, & Carey, 1988; Shepard & Smith, 1990; Simner & Barnes, 1991; Smith & Shepard, 1987) she might have come to a different conclusion. In fact, as Germain and Merlo (1985) note: Despite almost three-quarters of a century of research on this topic, a review of the literature does not result in a secure position about the effectiveness of retention (p. 171). Since the publication of his Schools Without Failure, Glasser (1969b) has clearly communicated that the only thing students learn from is to adopt a failure identity. Doyle (1989) indicates that teachers are blinded to the real outcomes of by focusing on the academic success a retained student often experiences in the next school year. Because of this, teachers do not discover that in subsequent years a retainee's academic work declines whether measured by grades or performance on standardized achievement tests and even when compared to peers who had had the same poor academic history but were promoted. Finally, Mrs. …" @default.
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• W27985912 date "1993-03-22" @default.
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• W27985912 title "The negative side effects of retention, academic competition, and punishment" @default.
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