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• W2894213944 abstract "The rise of the far-right has led to an extensive body of work in the sub-field of ‘Political Science’ which has all sought to examine and explain the phenomenon. Those in comparative politics have been particularly quick to differentiate between what appears to be considered ‘far-right’ and what doesn’t (Merkl and Weinberg 2003; Mudde 2007; Zaslove 2004; Hainsworth 2008; Ignazi 2005). At the same time certain ideas that draw from the wider historical understanding of transformation and change have also been put forward that place the emergence of the far-right within a new form of resistance (Rupert 2000; Worth 2002; Shields 2007; Kiely 2005; Steger 2005). These have also sought to show how the far-right needs to be placed within a broader historical and sociological understanding of ideological change and transformation. The different accounts of the far-right have often (but not always) positioned themselves in a manner which are distinct from each other. This is especially the case with comparativists, who often express surprise when questions such as globalisation and political economy are not at the forefront of analysing the farright’s recent success (Zaslove 2008). There is perhaps even more diversity with the characteristics we should look for when identifying a far-right movement or organisation and much of this concerns students of Party Politics, who wish to look at the emergence of a far-right family of parties in Europe. The variety of factors that have been associated with the success of such Political Parties have been immigration, welfare chauvinism, multiculturalism, the European Union, Islamophobia and nativism as well as globalisation and the positioning of the economy (Mudde 2007). Yet, this does not provide us with a systemic explanation of how and why this new ‘radical right’1 emerged in the seemingly uniform fashion that is has. For example, with notable exceptions,2 nearly all parts of the developed world can point to instances, movements or political organisations that have emerged since the end of the Cold War representing some form of populist reaction to the political status-quo. In addition, the various indicators and indices used by Party Political experts often provide us with a list of characteristics that appear to contradict themselves on closer examination. If it can be said that comparative accounts at the level of national political politics are unclear in their assessment of what a far-right movement is and why such a development has occurred, then it could be equally acknowledged thatthose who have placed it within a wider transformative process also attract debates over the nature of what this emergence might mean. This can be seen especially with those who have discussed how the far-right can appear to be a reaction against the forces of neoliberal economic globalisation (Rupert 2000; Worth 2002; Steger 2005) and those who have pointed to the fact that many emerging far-right movements have welcomed neoliberalism as a significant move against social protection (Shields 2012; Harmes 2012). So how should and how can an analysis from the left contribute to the understanding of the rise of the far-right in a manner that can give a more systematic account that not only provides us with an overview of the contradictions that have occurred within the far-right as a whole, but with a way of understanding how class dynamics have been re-orientated in order to engage with some of the key concerns that have been prominent within the rhetoric of the far-right? In some parts, political organisations have emerged that have attempted to distance themselves from the far-right labelling by stressing that they are merely acting upon traditional neo-conservative principles such as stringent immigration control and the commitment to strong national morality against a backdrop of international liberalism (West 2013). This chapter will look at the significance of the far-right by observing it through the lens of Gramsci’s understanding of hegemony. Whilst Nicola Short’s contribution in this collection (Chapter 5) seeks to look at Gramsci’s textual writings on the rise of fascism in Italy, this chapter uses the understanding of hegemonic change, contestation and consolidation to locate the potential contemporary relevance of the far-right. It will argue that we can make a difference between those organisations that appear to economically challenge the primacy of neoliberalism and those that embrace free market economics but reject other ‘liberal’ practices such as multiculturalism, immigration and governmental regionalism. It this way, it will draw upon the same tradition as other accounts that look at forms of reactionary resistance within a wider historical trajectory of change and capitalist renewal (Rupert 2000; Worth 2013; Shields 2012). Here, it will suggest that the deep contradictions in the far-right, particularly in terms of its understanding of the economy, have resulted in two distinct, yet interrelated trends. One has been – at least tentatively – geared towards creating a form of alternative hegemonic (or counter-hegemonic) project to challenge the rhetoric of neoliberal capitalism. In this way, the far-right has a distinct ideological challenge to the workings of the contemporary economic order as it seeks to construct a form of nationalist economics or a reactionary form of mercantilist alternative. As Alex Callinicos outlines, there has always been support for a reactionary form of opposition to free market capitalism, which originally was geared around old remnants of the aristocratic class alongside mostly rural peasantry support (Callinicos 2003). Yet, contemporary re-productions of the antimarket far-right have often gained support from urban working-class factions and from the results of social disintegration. The other form of response from the far-right has been one that has sought to build upon prejudices that have been a feature of the far-right (anti-immigration,welfare chauvinism) in a manner that complements market economics and in some way seeks to extend its hegemony. Here, the far-right relies predominately upon what it would consider as being the negative side-effects of globalisation. Alongside factors such as multiculturalism and immigration, which have sought to ‘disturb’ the ethnic distinctiveness of a nation, the emergence of extra forms of supra-national governance, beyond the nation-state, have provided further sources for opposition. Opposition to regional institutions such as the EU has been a significant factor in the growth of the European far-right, whilst in the US, bodies that provide a basis for global governance, such as the UN, have been a prominent target for attack. In providing an opposition to this, the farright has often adopted an economic outlook that believes that such institutions are interfering with the free market as opposed to facilitating them. As a result, movements and political organisations have emerged that have managed to embed the wider reactionary and racial concerns that have been central to the growth of the far-right, within the parameter of free market capitalism. It is these contradictions that tend to characterise the wider far-right trends that have emerged in political circles within the last couple of decades, and also give us some indication of what form they might develop into in relation to the future form of global capitalism. This chapter, then, seeks to look at the nature of the far-right within the current structural confines of global politics and suggests that there are two different ways of understanding it. Either as one which seeks to contest the fabric of a form of capitalism or one which looks to endorse it. This, furthermore, gives us a wider insight into the overall longue duree of the far-right within the context of global capitalism." @default.
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• W2894213944 date "2014-08-27" @default.
• W2894213944 modified "2023-09-26" @default.
• W2894213944 title "The far- right and neoliberalism: willing partner or hegemonic opponent?" @default.
• W2894213944 doi "https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315767642-15" @default.
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