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- W2895924909 abstract "Since the early 2000s, Japan has pursued a range of policy initiatives underthe banner of “cool Japan.” These policy initiatives are based on the idea thatcertain forms of Japanese media and popular culture are perceived overseasto be cool, which represents not only the attractive possibility of expandingglobal markets, but also winning the hearts and minds of young peoplearound the world and encouraging them to become “Japan fans” (Sugimoto2013).1 From the beginning, cool Japan policy has made much of the supposed popularity of manga and anime in “the West,” which seems somehowto legitimate the nation and demonstrate that proclamations of its declineare premature (Leheny 2006: 214-216, 220-223; Choo 2011: 85, 87-88).Although cool Japan policy has drawn more vocal critics in recent years (seeMihara 2014 for an overview), public funds are still being allocated to promote manga and anime, among other things perceived to contribute to apositive image of Japan (Nikkei 2015). Public diplomacy and nation brandingare in no way unique to Japan, but its government has drawn attention forbeing openly invested in national(izing) popular culture.Given this, it is significant that the global spread of manga and anime hasgenerated not only stories about “cool Japan,” but also simultaneouslyrekindled familiar stories about “weird Japan” as a sexually deviant “other.”This distinct but connected national(izing) discourse of popular culture cameto the fore in the summer of 2014, when Japan banned the possession of childpornography, but did not include in its definition of child pornographymanga, anime and games sexualizing characters that appear to be underageor depicting them engaged in sex acts. The decision sparked widespread criticism outside Japan of its perceived failure to crack down on child pornography – criticism that conflated actual and virtual forms, ignoring thepresence or absence of victim and crime (McLelland 2005: 63-64; McLelland2011: 351-354, 360-361, 363). For example, one article condemning Japan as“the Empire of Child Pornography” (Adelstein and Kubo 2014) is illustratedwith a photograph of a Japanese man looking to purchase media emblazonedwith manga/anime-style girl characters, who appear to be young. In articlessuch as this one, Japanese manga and anime and men attracted to them arepositioned as sexually suspect. In the photograph described above, we do notknow the content of the offending media or the thoughts of the man lookingto purchase them, but assume from the framing that the media are childpornography and the man is a pedophile and potential predator. Japan seemsto be full of such media and men, which begs the question: “Why is theresuch a fascination with sexual interaction with young girls – known as rorikon(Lolita complex) in Japan” (Adelstein and Kubo 2014)?The alleged sexual fascination with young girls revealed in manga andanime and attributed to Japan as a nation is referred to as rorikon, or lolicon,as it is more widely transcribed.2 Lolicon has long been a part of national(izing) discourses of Japanese media and popular culture, but manga andanime are particularly prone to be taken up as examples. It is not a problemto criticize manga and anime, which are not to everyone’s tastes and canrepulse as powerfully as they attract, but it is a problem when critics movefrom personal repulsion to calls for regulation. It is a problem when criticsequate attraction to manga and anime with perversion and pathology (Rogers2010), and link the consumption of such media with horrific crimes againstchildren – or, as one reporter ominously put it, “cartoons may be fueling thedarkest desires of criminals” (Ripley et al. 2014). Although the jury is still outon the social impact of manga and anime – “It has not been scientificallyvalidated that it even indirectly causes damage” (Adelstein and Kubo 2014) –many nevertheless feel justified to judge people guilty of imaginary crimes(McLelland 2012: 479). In this way, lolicon has become a keyword in globalcriticism of “Japan’s child porn problem” (Adelstein and Kubo 2014).3" @default.
- W2895924909 created "2018-10-26" @default.
- W2895924909 creator A5052719504 @default.
- W2895924909 date "2016-07-22" @default.
- W2895924909 modified "2023-09-24" @default.
- W2895924909 title "“The lolicon guy”: Some observations on researching unpopular topics in Japan" @default.
- W2895924909 cites W1932206109 @default.
- W2895924909 doi "https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315637884-14" @default.
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