SemOpenAlex |

SemOpenAlex

Matches in SemOpenAlex for { <https://semopenalex.org/work/W2896631954> ?p ?o ?g. }

Showing items 1 to 100 of ±152 with 100 items per page.

W2896631954 abstract "Biogeography is a strange discipline. In general, there are no institutes of biogeography; there are no departments of it. There are no professional biogeographers—no professors of it, no curators of it. It seems to have few traditions. And the term “biogeography” was only coined in 1891, by a geographer, not a biologist (Ratzel 1891:9). Part 61A (Egerton 2018) explained that, after modest growth during the 1700s, Alexander Humboldt brought plant geography into botanical prominence with his South American study, Essai sur la géographie des plantes (1807), and that August de Candolle achieved a practical synthesis in his encyclopedia article, Géographie botanique (1820). Animal geography also progressed. Eberhard Zimmermann produced an early synthesis in two treatises (1777, 1778–1783), but sparked less follow-up by others in zoology than Humboldt's and de Candolle's works sparked in botany. There was some cross-stimulation between plant geography and animal geography. Keir Sterling compiled a very useful collection of 28 articles, Selections from the Literature of American Biogeography (1974), all but one of which fall within the time range of this Part 61B; Selections contains an 11-page (unnumbered) introduction in which Sterling provided an indication of how the individual articles fit in a larger context. This subject would require a book-length survey to encompass all its aspects, but McIntosh (1985:107–110) gave a brief summary. A discussion of North America's four migratory flyways will be in part 62. Englishmen with an itch to travel abroad, collect specimens, and become prominent naturalists eagerly read Darwin's Journal of Researches. Five who then went abroad and succeeded were botanists Joseph Dalton Hooker (1817–1911) and Richard Spruce (1817–1893), zoologists Alfred Russel Wallace (1823–1913), Thomas Henry Huxley (1825–1895), and entomologist Henry Walter Bates (1825–1892), all of whom followed Darwin's excellent example of carefully collecting specimens and observations and producing both scientific reports and personal memoirs (von Hagen 1948:213–263, Woodcock 1969, Raby 1996:28–41, 76–177, Rice 1999:260–289, McCalman 2009, Egerton 2012a:168–175, 2012b, 2012c, Hemming 2015). Their publications were substantial contributions to biogeographical literature. Barbara Beddall (1969) republished selections from writings by Wallace and Bates, and Tony Rice (1999:260–289) published reproductions of Bates’ insect drawings and Wallace's fish drawings from the Amazon. All of the above-mentioned naturalists excepting the frequently ill Spruce (Spruce 1908, Desmond 1975, Desmond 1977:578, Seaward and Fitzgerald 1996, Raby 2004) became prominent Darwinian “warriors” in the evolution controversy. …when still a child, my father used to take me [on] excursions in the Highlands, where I fished a good deal, but also botanized; and well I remember on one occasion, that, after returning home, I built up by a heap of stones a representation of one of the mountains I had ascended, and stuck upon it specimens of the mosses I had collected on it, at heights relative to those at which I had gathered them. This was the dawn of my love for geographical botany. He went on to say that he read Mungo Park's and other African travel books and developed a desire to conquer the Atlas Mountain in Morocco, which later he did. He went to the University of Glasgow, earned an M.D. degree (1839), which enabled his father to obtain a position for him as an assistant surgeon and naturalist on a naval ship, H.M.S. Erebus bound (with H.M.S. Terror) to the south seas, September 1839–September 1843, to map shorelines and discover the location of the magnetic south pole. The expedition leader was Captain James Clark Ross (1800–1862), who had located the magnetic north pole and would also find the magnetic south pole (Bravo 2004). Hooker was following Darwin's example and took along a copy of Darwin's Journal to read on the voyage (McCalman 2009:85–148). Besides many small islands, the ships visited Antarctica, Tasmania, New Zealand, and the Falkland Islands. Even before returning to England, his extensive reports to his father appeared in the London Journal of Botany (1843), which his father edited. Hooker's main published reports from the voyage, 2 volumes each, were: Flora Antarctica (1844), Flora Nouva-Zelandiae (1844), and Flora Tasmaniae (1844). Accompanying lithographs were based upon his specimens and sketches. His later contributions are discussed below. Wallace's struggles abroad are particularly noteworthy (Wallace 1905, 1916, George 1964, Mayr 1982:417–423, Browne 1983: Index, Quammen 1996: Index, Mearns and Mearns 1998:315–320, Shermer 2002, Fichman 2004a, b, McCalman 2009:221–290). Wallace lacked Darwin's advantage of university studies, but he had read closely both editions of Darwin's Journal of Researches (1839, 1845) and many more relevant works. He left to explore the Amazon region in May 1848, the trip to be financed by a London agent selling his collected specimens. He was impressed by the fact that some mammal species, especially monkeys, were bounded by rivers. Although he did send some specimens to his agent, he embarked for England in July 1852 with most of his latest collections of live and dead animals and manuscripts, but the Helen burned and sank, and Wallace was later rescued from a lifeboat, with the few papers and drawings he had saved (Wallace 1905:I, 303–309, Desmond 1977:635–636, Camerini 1996, Daws and Fujita 1999:20–21, Knapp 1999, Wilson 2000, Raby 2001). He reached England on 1 October, and he published two books in 1853 based upon his memories—Palm Trees on the Amazon, and A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and the Rio Negro. He commented in Narrative (1853:326), “There is no part of natural history more interesting than the study of the geographical distribution of animals.” He had wanted to write a book on Amazon fish, and he saved six illustrations, which he gave to the British Museum, where they were identified, and later he published them, with names, in My Life (1905:I, facing 284, 286, 288). He met Darwin at the British Museum. In March 1854, he traveled to the Malay Archipelago on a Naval ship (no charge). His achievements there are discussed below. Hewett Watson (1804–1881), whom we met in part 61A, served as naturalist on a naval expedition to map the Azores in 1842. His publications on the Azores (1843–1847, 1870) followed the examples of Humboldt and Darwin. Otherwise, he published a continuous series of articles and books on British phytogeography (Egerton 2003:241–250). On the significance of his work: British plant geographer Ronald Good (1964:279) called Watson's Cybele Britannica (4 volumes, 1847) “great.” The Botanical Society of the British Isles obviously agreed, for it named its journal Watsonia. German botanist August H.R. Grisebach (1814–1879) was born and remained in a university town, Göttingen; he went to its university and later joined its faculty (von Hofsten 1916:315–316, Wagenitz 1972, Stafleu and Cowan 1976–2009:I, 1007–1011, Magnin-Gonze 2004:202, Egerton 2013b:343–344). Becoming acquainted with Humboldt, he became interested in phytogeography; his early contribution to it was Ueber den Einfluss des Climas auf die Begranzung der naturlichen Floren (1838), which American plant ecologist Henry Gleason identified as the first discussion of integrated plant communities (Gleason 1939). Grisebach's most detailed regional travel account and botanical study were in an area now in western Turkey: Reise durch Rumelien und nach Brussa im Jahre 1839 (2 volumes, 1841) and Spicilegium florae Rumelicae et Bithynicae (2 volumes, 1843–1844). He also began publishing annual updates on progress in phytogeography, for years 1842–1845, which were considered important enough by the Ray Society to publish translations of them (Grisebach 1846, 1849). He resumed his series of annual progress reports in 1868–1876. German geographer Heinrich Berghaus (1797–1884) was already a geographer in the Prussian Army Reserve when he went to Paris in 1815 to meet Humboldt, who later became a regular correspondent (Humboldt and Berghaus 1863, 3 volumes, Hantzsch 1902). He was not a biogeographer, but their correspondence would have increased Humboldt's geographical sophistication. The Dutch ornithologist, Coenraad Jacob Temminck (1778–1858), campaigned successfully for establishment of the Rijksmuseum in Leiden and became its first director in 1823 (Stresemann 1951:117–130, 1975:110–125, Farber 1982: Index, Mearns and Mearns 1988:373–376, Gassó Miracle 2008). The government had already sent out a natural history expedition to the Dutch East Indies in 1820, consisting of two naturalists and two assistants (Stresemann 1951:130–155, 1975:126–152). That was the second expedition it had sent to the Malay Archipelago, and one of the naturalists died in less than three months, and the expedition artist died two days later. In December 1823, the king appointed two naturalists and an assistant, all Germans—Heinrich Boie (1794–1827) and Heinrich Christian Macklot (1799–1832), assisted by Salomon Müller (1804–1864)—to replace the deceased members of the previous expedition. They left home in December 1825 and reached Java on 6 June 1826. Boie and Macklot both did good work before they also died (most likely, three had malaria; Macklot died in a conflict). Only Müller survived, and he undertook the research of the naturalists, advised, no doubt, by Temminck. Müller returned to Leiden in 1837 and then organized his specimens and notes at the Rijksmuseum (Glaubrecht 2002:259–264). The article he published, Geographie der Thiere: Ueber die geographische Verbreitung der Säugethiere im Indischen Archipelagus (1842), included information later used by the geographer Heinrich Berghaus for a map showing what is now known as Wallace's Line (reproduced by Camerini 1993a:708, 1993b:505), which now should be called the Müller-Wallace Line. From Camerini (1993a). He recognized three broad zones each divided into provinces. The northern zone included the polar province, the temperate province of the Old World, and the temperate province of North America. The middle zone was divided into a South Asian province, an African province, and a middle American province. The southern zone contained the Australian province and the Magellanian (southern South American) province. Wagner tried to correlate the distribution of animal groups with types of vegetation… His also assisted Johann C.D. von Schreber with his Die Säugethiere in Abbildungen nach der Natur, mit Beschreibungen (Leipzig, 1840–1846; from Wood 1931:555). The advance in knowledge of species distributions in South America by four Englishmen—Charles Darwin, Alfred Russel Wallace, Henry Walter Bates, and Richard Spruce—was discussed in parts 37 and 41 in this history (Egerton 2010d, 2012b). To those discussions, here I merely add: Jonathan Maslow, Footsteps in the Jungle: Adventures in the Scientific Exploration of the American Tropics (1996:58–138). Bayreuth native (Friedrich Johann Carl) Moritz Wagner (1813–1887), was educated at the University of Augsburg and elsewhere, became an explorer in Algeria, 1836–1839; Armenia, 1842–1846; and North and Central America, 1852–1855 (Mayr 1982:562–564, Quammen 1996:130–135, Smith 2005, Wagner et al. 2012). In 1862, he became Professor of Geography and Ethnography at the University of Munich. His explorations were primarily on continents; he did not puzzle over species on islands. Like Wallace in the Amazon basin, he found that certain species’ range was limited by Algerian rivers, but also by mountain ranges and deserts. He concluded, therefore, that species only form when a species that formerly had a larger range became divided geographically into different populations that can no longer interbreed. Darwin found his claim too dogmatic and believed there were exceptions to this generalization. A Scot who merits a nod here was naturalist Andrew Murray (1812–1878), whose strongest interests were in botany and entomology, on which he published much (Boulger 1909, Desmond 1977:457, Wilson 2004). He participated in a botanical expedition to Oregon and published its findings (1853), and he also published The Geographical Distribution of Mammals (1866), which Casey Wood thought was “One of the most important contributions to zoogeography extant” (1931:476). It included 101 colored maps and 16 + 420 pages. Scottish botanist Arthur Henfrey (1819–1859) (Geison 1972, Stafleu and Cowan 1976–2009:I, 154–155, Desmond 1977:301, Endersby 2004a, b) studied medicine and surgery, but poor health prevented a medical career, and so he taught botany in London. In 1854, he succeeded Forbes at Kings College, London. His popular books focused upon introducing European botany to the British. His Vegetation of Europe, its Conditions and Causes (1852) can be seen as in that tradition. The vegetation map in my reproduction of his book (1977) is faint, but the original was more legible. He provided two chapters on influences on the distribution of vegetation, but most of the book discussed vegetation in 10 regions into which he divided Europe. He included no bibliography. In 1857, he published An Elementary Course of Botany: Structural, Physiological, and Systematic, with a brief Outline of the Geographical and Geological Distribution of Plants, which Asa Gray stated in his review was “well-planned, compact, and comprehensive” (Gray 1857:434). However, Gray then spent the rest of his 10-page review correcting errors in Henfrey's textbook. Henfrey might have made a stronger contribution to plant geography if he had not died at age 40. Neither Good (1955) nor Browne (1983) mentioned him. Austrian zoologist Ludwig Karl Schmarda (1819–1908) studied at the University of Vienna and then held several academic positions (von Hofsten 1916:301). He was a productive researcher, mainly on invertebrates, and published seven books, the third being on the geographical distribution of animals (1853). Karl Schmidt (1955:767–769) found that his 1853 book discussed the same topics that one would expect in a modern book on zoogeography. Schmarda delimited 21 terrestrial regions and 10 marine regions; Schmidt reproduced his world map and listed names of his 31 regions. Ebach (2015:99) also reproduced the map, including the regions listed below it. He took a trip around the world, 1853–1857, and published a book on his discoveries (1861). In 1862, he became a professor at his alma mater. The Geographisches Jahrbuch for 1866 included articles by Schmarda on animal geography and Grisebach on plant geography (Ebach 2015:97). Swiss botanist Alphonse Louis Pierre de Candolle (1806–1893), like his father, studied for a time in Paris (Christ 1893 [his bibliography, 224–234], Good 1955:748–749, Pilet 1971, Stafleu and Cowan 1976–2009:I, 433–437, Mayr 1982:444–445, Browne 1983:82–86, Naef 1987:352–355, Magnin-Gonze 2004:166–167). He did, however, also obtain a doctorate in law (1829), which no doubt came in handy when he published Lois de la nomenclature botanique (Paris, 1867), though it is unlikely he had thought of this when he decided to study law. In 1835, he succeeded his father as professor of natural history at the Academie de Genèva. In 1850, he retired from teaching to concentrate on research. In our context, his most important work was Géographie botanique raisonnée (2 volumes, 1855, 1365 pages, 2 maps). It was by far the most detailed synthesis on plant geography written by then (and maybe, ever). Joseph Hooker provided an extensive review in seven issues of his father's Journal of Botany (1856), which was mainly a summary with few comments, until the last part in which Hooker discussed de Candolle's suggestion of special creations with some transmutations; Hooker offered instead possibilities on transmutation, reflecting his discussions with Darwin, who was not mentioned. Hooker also commented on plant geography's vague principles and methods and a lack of universal standards for meteorology. Charles Darwin called de Candolle's treatise “grand and noble” (11 November 1859, Darwin 1991:367). Alphonse de Candolle changed “the emphasis from regions to species” (Ebach 2015:97). Retrospectively, de Candolle's 1855 treatise was in the ironic position of being a grand synthesis of a pre-Darwin's Origin of Species perspective, just before Darwin published the Origin (Thiselton-Dyer 1893, 1909:298–299, Good 1955:748, Dajoz 1984:39–46). He was not an evolutionist in 1855, but he became one after reading Darwin's Origin of Species (de Candolle 1862, Gray 1876:197–198, Baehni 1955:112–114, Drouin 1988:159–161, 1993:78–79, 2007:265). Englishman Philip Sclater (1829–1913) was from the upper middle class and attended Oxford University (Austin 1975, Stresemann 1975:203–204, 225, 360, Mayr 1982:448, Mearns and Mearns 1992:394–397, Innes 2004, Bircham 2007:195–197). To earn a living, he practiced law in London, but his life interests were first to ornithology, and second to zoological organizations in London. His lasting influence was from his paper, On the General Geographical Distribution of the Members of the Class Aves (1858), despite the fact that, in the year before Darwin published The Origin, he believed that all species were specially created in their current distributions. “In this paper Sclater delineated and named the zoogeographical regions that we know today, and which have stood the test of time” (Bircham 2007:219–220): Palaearctic, Nearctic (sometimes combined into Holarctic), Aethiopian (now Ethiopian or Afrotropical), Indian (now Oriental), and Australian (now sometimes Australasian). In 1875, he extended the scope of his survey to include all vertebrates, brief mention of leading references for each order, and indicated gaps where research was needed. Later, he collaborated with his son on a monograph on The Geography of Mammals (1899). His regions had the virtues of simplicity and plausibility, which is why they survived into the 1900s (Nelson 1978:291–292, Ebach 2015:131). German-born Albert Günther (1830–1914) earned his M.D. degree from the University of Tubingen in 1858 and visited his mother in the London area, where he met two zoologists at the British Museum and was hired, initially, to prepare a catalog of the Museum's snakes and amphibians (Thomson 1927, England 2004). He remained at the Museum for the rest of his career. The zoological community in London was not large, and Günther and Sclater would have known each other. In 1858, Günther published On the Geographical Distribution of Reptiles. He and Sclater undoubtedly read each other's articles, but at the time, nothing further came of their forays into neighboring geographical studies. Günther thought his regions differed enough from Sclater's to justify their defining two sets of regions (Ebach 2015:131). However, Karl Schmidt (1955:767) commented that there was “a very fair agreement between the two distinct approaches.” Their articles became resources for Wallace's The Geographical Distribution of Animals (1876), discussed below. Darwin began his contributions to biogeography by collecting biological specimens during his world travels on the Beagle, discussed above. Philip Darlington, Jr., argued (1959:307) that Darwin's zoogeographical discoveries in South America and on Galapagos Islands gave him the clues he needed to take evolution seriously. His subsequent four monographs on barnacles (Darwin 1851a, b, 1854a, b) had still broader coverage, since barnacles are not confined to tropics as corals are, and he included fossils (Egerton 2011a, b, c:353–355). He conducted the first biogeographical experiments: subjecting different kinds of seeds to immersion in salt water for 12–137 days (Darwin 1855, 1857). Biogeography became a prominent topic of discussion in Darwin's correspondence, seen in the index of his Correspondence: volume 6, for years 1856–1857, about 1.5 columns and in volume 7, for years 1858–1859, almost a column (Darwin 1990:651–652, 1990:650). A turning point was Darwin's publication of Origin of Species (1859). The big breakthrough was establishing his theory of evolution by natural selection (Schmidt 1955:767, Mayr 1982:445–448, Browne 2003, 2004). Wallace had also arrived at that theory in 1858, with Darwin publishing jointly Wallace's and his own essay on it (1858). Wallace appreciated that Darwin's Origin went far beyond statement of a theory. Lomolino et al. published parts of both of Darwin's two chapters on geographical distribution in Darwin's Origin of Species (1859) to reproduce in their biogeography source book (2004:140–163); it was Darwin's synthesis of this subject. Before publication of The Origin, zoologists had argued about how many centers of creation there were, but after publication, those arguments disappeared (Darlington 1959:309). Hooker, Gray, and [Alphonse] De Candolle were all first-rate scientists, capable of establishing a new science of plant geography at the same time they contributed mightily to taxonomy. But Charles Darwin's horizons were already so much broader than theirs [in 1850s] that even a single letter of his, written in haste, rearranged the facts of natural history into new and striking patterns. Hooker did not exaggerate when he confessed he would never have taken up the subjects of distribution and variation of species but for the advantages he “had derived from [Darwin's] friendship and encouragement” (1853–1855:I, xxii). Unlike Darwin, one long voyage was not enough for Hooker. He next explored India, December 1847–February 1851 (Huxley 1918, Turrill 1963, Allan 1967:97–250, Desmond 1972, 1999, Stafleu and Cowan 1976–2009:II, 267–283, Desmond 1977:318, Endersby 2004b, 2008, Egerton 2012a:172–175, 2012b:125–138), and later, he more briefly explored less extensive regions. Always he returned with herbarium specimens and published his findings. One approach to biogeographical studies was to seek “the geographical and topographical spread of organisms away from a centre of origin” (Fattorini 2016:5–6). Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919) named this approach “chorology” (1866:287). However, Joseph Hooker and Thomas Thomson (1817–1878, Desmond 1977:609–610) adopted it in their unfinished Flora Indica (1855) before Haeckel named it. Hooker's explorations in Morocco and North America are discussed below. In 1855, he became Deputy Director of the Royal Botanic Garden, Kew, and in 1865, he succeeded his father as Director. Research there was primarily on plant taxonomy, and Joseph duly followed along. However, he had a strong interest in plant geography, one example being his analysis in the introduction to Flora Tasmaniae on the Flora of Australia (Hooker 1859, Good 1955:748). Another example, his “masterly essay,” A Sketch of the Flora of British India (1904), based upon both his travels in and previous publications on India (Turrill 1963:179–183). A later Kew botanist, W.B. Turrill, compiled Pioneer Plant Geography: the Phytogeographical Researches of Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker (1953, xii + 267 pages), in which he arranged extracts under the headings of Arctic, Syria and Palestine, India, Africa, North America, Galapagos Islands (Darwin's 1830s plant collection), Antarctica (including New Zealand, Australia, and Tasmania), and Miscellaneous (mostly on different islands). The extract which Lomolino et al. reproduced (2004:109–117) is from the introduction to Hooker's Flora Novae Zelandiae (1853–1855). Londoner Edward Blyth (1810–1873) ran a druggist shop, but his abiding interest was natural history, and his shop failed in 1836 (McKinney 1970, Brandon-Jones 1995, 1997, 2004, Mearns and Mearns 1998:67–72, Waller 2004). In 1841, he became curator of the museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal and published a series of articles on India's fauna in that Society's Journal for the 21 years in which he lived in India. Both his articles and his encouragements of other zoologists in India were important contributions to Indian zoology. Darwin was glad to use Blyth's publications in Origin of Species (1859), Animals and Plants under Domestication (1868), and Descent of Man (1871). Blyth also published A Suggested New Division of the Earth into Zoological Regions in Nature (1871), which offered improvements upon Sclater's essay on geographical distributions of birds, especially for India. However, it did not attract the amount of attention which Sclater's essay had received, despite appearing in Nature. Austrian botanist Anton Kerner von Marilaün (1831–1898) wrote a notable work, Pflanzenleben der Daanaulaender (1863, English, 1951), which was an excellent example of a regional vegetation study, with broader significance (Stafleu and Cowan 1976–2009:II, 525–530, Nicolson 1996:297–298, Egerton 2013b:342–343). He complained about a lack of a standard botanical terminology to describe all native plant formations (1951:5–6). The culmination of Grisebach's research was his Vegetation der Erde nach ihrer klimatischen Anordnung (2 volumes, 1872, French, 1875). By 1870, traveling botanists had published accounts of enough vegetation of different places to make practicable such a synthesis. Ronald Good commented (1955:750): “the most striking thing about it now is how little it has been rendered obsolete by subsequent increase in our knowledge…” Grisebach's son Eduard saw that his father's shorter plant geographical writings were published the year following his father's death, and there was also a posthumous second edition of Vegetation der Erde (1884–1885). Wallace spent eight years (1854–1862) traveling about 14,000 miles in the Malay Archipelago, mostly by ship, despite suffering from tropical fever, probably malaria (Wallace 1905:I, 337–384, 1916:37–71, Daws and Fukita 1999:34). He later considered his Malay experience was “the central and controlling incident of my life” (Wallace 1905:I, 366), reminiscent of Darwin's claim about the impact of his voyage on the Beagle on him (Darwin 1959:76). Wallace's most important discovery, about January 1858, was the striking difference between the faunas of Borneo and Celebes across the Macassar Strait, which indicated a boundary between two major faunal realms of Asia and Australia (Wallace 1905:I, 356–359, Camerini 1993a, van Oosterzee 1997, Daws and Fukita 1999:74–79). However, as mentioned above, Salomon Müller had already drawn that line on his Malay Archipelago map in 1842, and Wallace's line should now be called the Müller-Wallace Line. (Incidentally, it was at that point in his travels, in 1858, when he composed a letter to Darwin on his theory of the evolution of species by natural selection, which Darwin published along with his own writings on the subject.) Fifteen collaborators in 2013 improved upon Wallace's zoogeographical regions of the world (Holt et al. 2013). Three important works came from Wallace's unrivaled tropical studies: The Malay Archipelago (2 volumes, 1869), The Geographical Distribution of Animals (2 volumes, 1876, mainly on land vertebrates), and Island Life (1880), which made him the most important contributor to zoogeography in the 1800s (Quammen 1996: Index, Smith and Beccoloni 2008). Wallace scholar John van Wyhe has thrown a bright light upon Wallace's Malay experiences with three recent studies: Dispelling the Darkness: Voyage in the Malay Archipelago and the Discovery of Evolution by Wallace and Darwin (2013); an edited, annotated edition (with Kees Rookmaaker) of Alfred Russel Wallace: Letters from the Malay Archipelago (2013). Wallace's letters began on 4 March 1854 and ended with letter 88, 31 March 1862; and The Annotated Malay Archipelago (1869, 2015). Darwin responded very positively to the 1876 volumes: a “grand and memorable work, which will last for years as the foundation for all future treatises” (5 June 76, Marchant 1916:235). Darwin was pleased that Wallace did not resort to land bridges to explain discontinuous distributions of species. A posthumous collection of Wallace's letters contained three chapters on geographical distributions (1916:263–348). Lomolino et al. (2004:164–177) reprinted in their sourcebook chapter 23 from Geographical Distribution of Animals, Summary of the Distribution, and Lines of Migration, of the Several Classes of Animals, in which Wallace discussed not just amphibians, reptiles, birds, and mammals, but also fresh-water fish, insects, and terrestrial Mollusca. Schmidt (1955:769) suggested another source upon which Wallace built was the chapter on geographical distributions in Darwin's Origin of Species (1859). Schmidt thought Wallace's Island Life (1880) was more successful than his Geographical Distribution of Animals. Wallace stated in the preface of his Geographical Distribution of Animals (1876:I, vi) that both Darwin and Alfred Newton had suggested he undertake this project about six years before. Wallace was the logical person to do so, because he had spent years in two tropical countries on different sides of the world studying vertebrate, and other animals, while also paying some attention to vegetation. It contains, in two volumes, seven color maps of the world's zoogeographical regions and 20 black-and-white drawings of typical animals and plants found in particular regions. He discussed fossil and extinct species as well as living ones, emphasizing birds and mammals, since they had been studied most, but including reptiles, amphibians, fresh-water fishes, and insects. He at times cited last names of authors and dates of publications, but did not often cite their publication titles, nor did he provide a bibliography. There are introductory chapters, but it was obviously written for practicing zoologists. He did cite (1876:I, 60–61) Murray's Geographical Distribution of Mammals (1866) and Blyth's Suggested New Division of the Earth into Zoological Divisions (1871), but offered" @default.
W2896631954 created "2018-10-26" @default.
W2896631954 creator A5048342743 @default.
W2896631954 date "2018-10-10" @default.
W2896631954 modified "2023-09-25" @default.
W2896631954 title "History of Ecological Sciences, Part 61B: Terrestrial Biogeography and Paleobiogeography, 1840s-1940s" @default.
W2896631954 cites W1273791837 @default.
W2896631954 cites W136549487 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1529835314 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1540903230 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1585464555 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1652547879 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1930777620 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1982984798 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1995338505 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1997413966 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1997507132 @default.
W2896631954 cites W1998460136 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2017094947 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2018188813 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2019651039 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2026896156 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2032060965 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2033501371 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2041356802 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2044037006 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2044277274 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2044311333 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2049592203 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2049599957 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2054067959 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2055611443 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2057814198 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2058134888 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2062412351 @default.
W2896631954 cites W207740552 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2078573998 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2081881173 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2082570908 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2086868989 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2086981045 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2090436204 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2107124041 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2114919050 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2121136594 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2167235590 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2181983753 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2213594393 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2250937758 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2299994648 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2312341423 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2316318267 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2319051649 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2320355190 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2320769718 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2321242156 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2326714699 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2330460439 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2335256095 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2475788014 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2483072039 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2487031999 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2495851685 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2496383519 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2496611660 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2498397785 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2498451558 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2499676024 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2505316609 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2519345643 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2536535793 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2782745306 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2783781860 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2797842852 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2798137212 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2895810219 @default.
W2896631954 cites W2904367490 @default.
W2896631954 cites W3049044633 @default.
W2896631954 cites W3115358835 @default.
W2896631954 cites W41212372 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4205627216 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4206119783 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4206381231 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4210873227 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4211049332 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4229699748 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4229754179 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4229906018 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4232072010 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4232413152 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4232755969 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4233411754 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4234239255 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4234649804 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4234866628 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4235116981 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4240262913 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4243767100 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4245801998 @default.
W2896631954 cites W4246678628 @default.