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- W289807853 abstract "THESE GRAND WORDS sound like something Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Hu Jintao or Premier Wen Jiabao might say in explaining their agenda of constructing a society as they manage China's peaceful rise to great power status. In fact, they were spoken in October 1989, just months after Hu's political patron, Deng Xiaoping, ordered the military to suppress a peaceful, nationwide protest movement. The occasion was a government-sponsored celebration of the 2,540th year of the birth of Confucius. In the brief welcoming remarks quoted above, party elder Gu Mu, an economic reformer under Deng, argued that there was an urgent need to look back to tradition and its emphasis on harmony (in Chinese, hexie). The idea of building a society has a history, one thread of which is very recent and the other thousands of years old. A weaving together of the strands places current CCP propaganda and PRC political discourse in a larger pattern of thought. Moving between ancient and contemporary meanings, as well as philosophical and political usages, may offer a better understanding of why so many people in are talking about harmony. Studying the epiphenomenon of harmonious society rhetoric raises important questions about China's current vector in the broad sweep of its remarkable history, marked by revolutionary rupture and continuity the past. The pseudo-Confucianization of the CCP THE CCP PAYS more attention to linguistic nuance than the average political organization. On the one hand, this results in a dearth of spontaneous official language. Every speech by a party leader and every proclamation by a party organ seems like a recording rather than a performance, as if there are no real-time speech acts, but only recitations of preapproved transcripts. Yet this very scriptedness is the hermeneutic key to unlocking CCP discourse. Departures from established scripture are easier to identify. And because of the care which the CCP scripts itself, changes in terminology signify shifts in power or policy greater predictability than is the case in more anarchic linguistic environments, as in countries less constricted media, better articulated public opinion, or more open political competition. An important recent twist in party scripts is the prominence given to words drawn from the classical vocabulary of the tradition, as opposed to those originating in Western revolutionary discourses. Founded in 1921, the CCP drew on Marxist-Leninist theory for its core political concepts. Party history also traces its ideological roots back to the May Fourth protest movement that erupted in Beijing in 1919. The May Fourth movement itself, epitomized in the demand for Science and Mr. Democracy, was part of a modernist revolt against traditional Confucian culture. Mao Zedong, who determined CCP orthodoxy from the early 1930s until his death in 1976, held classical values in open contempt as he dragged his new China down a revolutionary path. On those occasions when Mao did invoke heroes from the annals of history, they were rebels against the Confucian mainstream, like the autocratic founding emperors of the Qin and Ming dynasties or utopian Taiping revolutionaries of the nineteenth century. CCP leaders have long insisted on doing things their own way, or, in the well-worn phrase, with characteristics. The party's insistence on sinifying the revolution goes back to tensions the Soviets over leadership of the international communist movement. But until recently, if Chinese characteristics referred to tradition at all, it was as a yoke to be lifted. The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-76) was the last and perhaps most destructive phase in Mao's effort to make blaze its own revolutionary path by razing its heritage to the ground. In the wake of the Cultural Revolution, societal and state actors started picking up the pieces of China's smashed cultural inheritance. …" @default.
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- W289807853 date "2008-04-01" @default.
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- W289807853 title "Harmonious in China" @default.
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