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• W290136615 abstract "William Faulkner was neither a political nor a public man. He was notoriously averse to publicity and his political involvement was minimal. Though he went on record against Franco and fascism late 1930s, (1) he took no part debates concerning literature and or social responsibilities of writer during that decade. His biographer, Joseph Blotner, has noted Faulkner's hostility to big government, New Deal and Fair Deal. In context of his times Faulkner might best be called a states' rights Democrat. (2) Not surprisingly Faulkner's indifference to was reflected his fiction. As Robert Penn Warren has shrewdly observed, is really strange that his [Faulkner's] vast panorama of society a state where is blood, bone, sinew and passion of life, and most popular sport, Faulkner has almost entirely omitted not only a treatment of subject, but references to it. (3) So runs standard account of Faulkner's his life and his fiction. But is not whole story. In what follows I want to examine emergence of public Faulkner and ways his growing concern with matters of great public importance after World War II found expression his fiction, particularly A Fable (1954). My general claim will be that Faulkner's political vision strongly reflected (and only occasionally transcended) political culture of his state and region and that ultimately no coherent idea of experience of emerges his writing. This failure to engage political theme or to take seriously derived from a particular conception of southern society and culture which public realm was obscured and was expressed Faulkner's failure to find appropriate genre or discourse to embody what lies at heart of experience of politics--free action with others public. I. Political Culture and Personal Politics The formative years of Faulkner's life coincide with emergence of hill-country or redneck vote Mississippi state politics. Increasingly as century proceeded, state was riven by proto-class conflict between Delta and hill-country, between planters and corporate interests on one hand and white yeoman farmer and tenants of northern and eastern sections of state on other. Thus dominated by problems of poverty, class and race, state amounted to a politics of frustration and of oratory, usual story South only more so. (4) But as Walter Taylor has observed, Faulkner family was never certain where its social and political allegiances lay. William Faulkner's own political vision hardly qualifies as conservative, though his political sympathies tended to reside with Delta wing of Democratic Party. Moral individualism, rather than hierarchy or organic order, stood at center of that vision, though such individualism was not entirely inconsistent with aristocratic code. Whatever case, for Faulkner individual should ideally be free from control of power or numbers and possess an inalienable right to individual dignity and freedom within a fabric of individual courage and honorable work and mutual responsibility. At some point past, however, Faulkner felt that country lost it when we substituted license place of liberty. (5) Conversely lynch-mob represented for Faulkner all that was wrong with politics. It expressed the mob (man at his basest).... And his fictional Snopes family was source of mob spirit. They elected Bilboes and voted indefatigably for Vardamans, naming their sons after both. Liberally mixing fiction and history, Faulkner speculated that Snopeses and their ilk came in droves into Ku Klux Klan. (6) Thus Faulkner's was a of privatism. Society was best allowed to regulate itself. …" @default.
• W290136615 created "2016-06-24" @default.
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• W290136615 date "1985-03-22" @default.
• W290136615 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
• W290136615 title "A Fable: Faulkner's Political Novel?" @default.
• W290136615 hasPublicationYear "1985" @default.
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