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- W2921880106 abstract "Global restructuring scenarios include capital’s relentless quest for productivecompliant labor, on the one hand, and the proliferation of new sites andforms of consumption, on the other. Proponents of the benefits of globalization and neoliberal monetary strategies sometimes confuse production andconsumption to argue from evidence of either new forms of employment,or new modes of consumption in particular locations, that globalizationdiminishes global inequalities. Critical feminist scholarship challenges theseinterpretations through analysis of the gendered results of apparent change. Ina proliferating literature,2 interdisciplinary migration research comprises onesignificant component of the analysis of the gendered affects of globalization.A common theme in this literature is the persistent inequalities and stratification dynamics underlying contemporary migration flows within andbetween different regions of the world (Sassen 1998 and 2000; Castles 2007;Portes and DeWind 2007; Piper 2008a). Stratification between nations isregistered in the flows of capital and people within the global political economy, historically marking out certain nations or regions as migrant-sending,others as migrant-receiving.3 Stratification also structures particular migration flows in terms of class, age, ethnicity, racialization, and cultural difference, always differentiated by gender. Within nations and regions there areflows and counter-flows with shifts in the direction of movement relative tothe ebbs and flows of capital and production, national and regional economicpolicies, and the intensification of border security regimes.Post-9/11 securitization of border policies is accompanied by contradictoryprocesses of invisibilization and marketization of women in migration andcitizenship policies (Dobrowolsky 2007). These processes are tied to thefeminization of global migration. With women comprising almost half of allglobal migrants, Stephen Castles and Mark Miller (2003) rank feminizationas one of the major features of international migration. Trends in the feminization of migration (ILO 2003) have been researched by feminist scholars forseveral decades (see Donato et al. 2006; Kofman 1999). Sometimes feminization references a quantitative shift in the gender composition of a particularmigration flow. On the global stage, however, while the gender balance isvariable context by context, women typically constitute a significant portionof any national flow (see Bach, this volume). Thus, feminization can also referto the higher incidence generally of women as independent migrants and thesignificance of their economic contributions as employees and family providers. Feminization research therefore challenges previous patriarchal conceptualizations of women migrants as “dependents,” a facet of women’sinvisibilization. Further, feminization can be linked to global restructuringscenarios in developing countries whereby structural adjustment policies andthe imposition of austerity measures have contributed to the greater economicvulnerability of significant numbers of people (Ramirez, Dominguez, andMorais 2005). Migration provides one avenue in women’s search for economicresources.As this chapter shows, Philippine migration reflects feminization in all ofthis complexity, quantitatively, and qualitatively. One recent study of genderedstratification and polarization in migration notes feminization of a particularmigration flow can result from male unemployment or underemployment inthe countries of origin, a process which may, in turn, lead men to seekemployment in feminized areas such as nursing and/or caregiving.4 Wherewomen are in skilled and professional streams, they may represent feminizedsectors of their particular occupations (Piper 2008a). Further, marketization,associated with neoliberalism, privileges certain kinds of skills and economically resourceful migrants, even as it de-skills and de-values others, typicallyto the detriment of women from the Global South. For example, thesignificant number of women migrants, including Filipinas, who work ascaregivers continue to struggle for rights as workers and citizens in manyparts of the world (Pratt 2004; Stasuilis and Bakan 2005; Barber 2008a;Piper 2008b; Zontini 2008). Invisibilization is an apt characteristic for theirwork and their political struggles. A further paradox, as Castles (2007) notes,is that in many cases, state efforts to better manage migration prove to beineffective, though as will be demonstrated below, policies certainly do haveconsequences for migrants’ lives.Mode of entry (for example, with or without documents) and types of laborcontracts (temporary or renewable) on offer to migrants from various parts ofthe world, regardless of skill sets, are further aspects of stratification andpolarization dynamics. But for those exceptional cases involving professionaland highly skilled women migrants who are able to find properly remuneratedemployment in their fields (not to be taken for granted), typically, gender isassociated with intensified inequalities for women throughout the migrationand settlement processes. As has been well documented, this is partlyfor structural reasons tied to labor markets which racialize women who areethnically and culturally different, as well as the lesser value applied towomen’s gendered work and skill sets (see Chang and Ling, this volume).As noted, for women migrants in domestic service jobs, the situation is particularly troublesome because of the multiple possibilities for exploitation andreduced access to citizenship rights (Anderson 2000; Hondagneu-Sotelo 2001;Parrenas 2001; Stasiulis and Bakan 2005; Barber 2006; Briones 2008).This chapter draws on 15 years of ethnographic research on genderedlivelihood practices in the Philippines to illustrate the persistent contradictions, continuities, and changes associated with reliance upon migration asa key component of the nation’s political economy. The second half of thechapter analyzes the gender and class complexities, and the economic agencyof Philippine women who work in global caregiving and service labormarkets. But it is not simply a rehearsing of victimizing discourse aboutcommoditized domestic labor – arguably a preoccupation in earlier momentsof feminist scholarship about women’s migration (see Briones 2008). It is alsoan account of the nimbleness and flexibility of Philippine migrants in thetwenty-first century and a call for greater theoretical and methodologicalnuance in analyzing the social and cultural relations of production and socialreproduction (class and consumption) in global and local labor markets." @default.
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- W2921880106 date "2010-09-13" @default.
- W2921880106 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
- W2921880106 title "Women’s work unbound: Philippine development and global restructuring" @default.
- W2921880106 doi "https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203894972-19" @default.
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