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• W294631157 abstract "One of recurring debates that seems to have nothing to do with ideology and everything to do with which political party happens to occupy White House involves holds and other delays members place on Senate consideration of treaties and diplomatic nominations that have been submitted to Senate for its Advice and Consent.1 It is thesis of this short essay that Senate's role both of these functions was intended by Framers of our Constitution to be a very limited one; that negative entrusted to Senate was only to be exercised case of treaties by a minimum of one-third-plus-one senators and case of nominations by half or more of Senate; and that altering these proportions may properly be done only by amending Constitution pursuant to Article V.2 If this is true, then it follows that internal Senate rules or accommodations based upon courtesy unconstitutionally infringe upon President's Power3 and authority to Treaties and appoint diplomats with advice and consent of Senate.4 Although some of reasoning this essay may apply as well to judicial and other nominations, special nature of foreign relations makes case for a narrow construction of Senate's authority strongest that area. The role of Senate realm of diplomacy was understood by Founding Fathers to be a limited one. Unlike domestic affairs, where Congress was empowered to establish policy within limits of its constitutional authority, foreign affairs President was expected to both make and execute policy, subject to some very important negatives vested Senate and Congress. The general grant of foreign affairs power is contained Article II, Section 1, which vests President nation's power.5 This term was understood by most educated Americans 1787 as it was used by writers such as Locke, Montesquieu, and Blacks tone-all of whom included within scope of executive responsibility what Locke described as business of War and Peace, Leagues and Alliances.6 Montesquieu-whom Madison The Federalist No. 47 described as the oracle who is always consulted and cited on separationof-powers matters7-distinguished what he termed executive power in respect to things dependent on law of nations from the executive [power] regard to matters that depend on civil law.8 He described former of these as that by which the prince or magistrate . . . makes peace or war, sends or receives embassies, establishes public security, and provides against invasions.9 Similarly, volume one of his Commentaries on Laws of England, Blackstone noted that [w]ith regard to foreign concerns, king is delegate or representative of his people. . . . What is done by royal authority, with regard to foreign powers, is act of whole nation.10 In Philadelphia during summer of 1787, Framers of our Constitution embraced this understanding of power, but they improved upon teachings of great publicists of their day by adding some important checks or negatives to our Constitution. As University of Chicago Professor Quincy Wright, a distinguished scholar who served as President of International and American Political Science Associations and of American Society of International Law, remarked his classic 1922 study, The Control of American Foreign Relations, when constitutional convention gave 'executive power' to President, foreign relations power was essential element grant, but they carefully protected this power from abuse by provisions for senatorial or congressional veto.12 In early days of First Congress 1789, Representative James Madison introduced a bill to create a Department of Foreign Affairs, later re-designated as Department of State. An issue arose of where Constitution had placed power to remove Secretary whose appointment by President with advice and consent of Senate was provided for Article II. …" @default.
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• W294631157 date "2006-10-01" @default.
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• W294631157 title "Constitutional Implications of Senate Holds on Treaties and Diplomatic Nominations" @default.
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