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• W295266713 abstract "The fate of Fourth Ministerial of World Trade Organization (WTO), held in Doha, Qatar, in November 2001, hung in balance until literally last minute. Shortly after adoption of ministerial declaration,' WTO director general Mike Moore thanked delegates for saving while U.S. trade representative Robert Zoellick congratulated them for wiping away the stain of The relief expressed by Moore and Zoellick reflected severe crisis of legitimacy WTO was experiencing prior to Doha. A deadlock between North and South could very well have spelled end of WTO as an effective engine of trade liberalization. This crisis, however, was part of larger crisis of paradigm of corporate and market-driven globalization, which became particularly acute in period between earlier summit in Seattle and tragic events of September 11, 2001. The Doha declaration may have curiously saved WTO, but it has not surmounted its crisis of legitimacy. Indeed, very methods by which trading powers extracted a consensus at Doha may leave a legacy of bitterness and resentment that will be felt in critical run-up to Fifth Ministerial, to be held in Mexico in 2003. The Key Outcomes Doha put WTO back on its feet after disaster in Seattle. C. Fred Bergsten, a prominent partisan, once said that WTO is like a bicycle: It collapses if it does not move forward. By agreeing on a declaration giving momentum to new negotiations for liberalization, Doha meeting got bicycle upright and moving again. What resulted may not be a new round in sense of immediate negotiations on a wide range of issues. But it was a major step toward further liberalization. The Doha declaration affirmed ongoing negotiations on certain existing agreements, such as agriculture and General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), and opened negotiations to review other existing agreements, like antidumping agreement. It also initiated negotiations for new agreements in such new areas as industrial tariffs. But perhaps most ominously, by putting them as centerpiece of declaration, Doha gave momentum to what may be eventual launching of negotiations to bring new, nontrade areas within WTO jurisdiction. These are so-called new or Singapore issues of investment, competition policy, government procurement, and trade facilitation. Doha was a clear setback for developing countries, most of which had wanted to focus ministerial and its aftermath on resolving outstanding issues of implementation from Uruguay Round, of which there are at least 104 according to Group of 77. (2) The declaration simply acknowledged these concerns in perfunctory fashion and outlined a vague process for their resolution. Even in key areas of implementation specified in text, such as agriculture and textiles and garments, developing countries came out as losers. The European Union (EU) managed to water down Cairns Group's demand that there be a quick phaseout of agricultural export subsidies, and United States and other developed countries did not commit to an early removal of quotas on textile and garment imports of critical importance to developing countries. It is important to stress that South lost out because much of influential Northern press has been saying that Doha proved that developing countries can win in WTO negotiations. The Doha resolution of trade-related intellectual property rights (TRIPs) and public issue is often cited as proof of this win. However, it is important not to exaggerate its significance. That the TRIPS Agreement does not and should not prevent Members from taking measures to protect public health is a political statement. (3) There is nothing in Doha compromise that commits members to change text of TRIPs--in effect, a victory for Washington, which held that current text is sufficiently flexible to accommodate public concerns of developing countries. …" @default.
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• W295266713 date "2002-07-01" @default.
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• W295266713 title "Learning from Doha: A Civil Society Perspective from the South. (Global Insights)" @default.
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