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• W302283593 abstract "AbstractThe spectre of state intervention constantly looms above all activist organizations in China. In order to avoid detention of activist leaders or group members, most organizations have adopted a strategy of partial appeasement of party-state. This has often taken form of appropriation and use of state-sanctioned discourse and terms, together with attempts to develop or sustain corporatist links with state apparatus. This article argues that it is possible, perhaps preferable, to develop activist strategies which avoid the centre. The article uses example of a women's in rural Guangxi, which provides support to sex workers, homosexuals, and other sexual minorities, to justify this argument. Despite its small size and geographical isolation, this workshop has developed glocalized networks of activists, relying on juxtaposition of a highly localized group of supporters with an international network of interested parties who provide funding and intellectual support. Furthermore, style of discourse used by group has very little in common with official state discourse. In promoting a form of sex-positive feminism uncommon in China, and through partial framing of work as an artistic project, a conscious attempt has been made not to engage with language and style of public engagement of party-state. Ultimately, these strategies play both an offensive and defensive role, allowing supporters of workshop to make a substantial critique of state while at same time not attracting its immediate opprobrium.Keywords: activism, rural China, Chinese state, sex work, social movementsJEL classification: K42, N35, P37, Z13(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)1. IntroductionAll public activist movements in China must engage with state in some way. The development of activism in China would not have been possible without gradual retreat of state from minutiae of its citizensi' daily life, but state still constantly patrols boundary of social activismi (Lee and Hsing, 2010: 8), monitoring and punishing activists in a wide range of ways.This somewhat paradoxical situation - an effectively high level of freedom of communication and access to information on one hand, but a substantial risk of persecution and punishment on other - has led to development of a very diverse strategic landscape of activism. Organizationally speaking, economic decentralization has led to development of cellulari networks of activists, highly localized but with welldeveloped networks of contacts with other similar activist groups (Lee and Hsing, 2010: 8). From a strategic point of view, social activists now use extremely diverse methods to promote their ideas and resolve their disputes. They have moved from appropriating and modifying techniques used by government and quasi-government organizations such as Communist Youth League and All-China Womeni's Federation, as tended to happen in 1990s and early 2000s (Benney, 2012; Lee, 2007; Milwertz, 2002). Social activism strategies are now tailored to particular localities and situations and designed to appeal to general public, as well as facilitating formation of networks (Wang, 2010: 110-113). The growth of new media has played a significant role in this: to give just one example, over past few years there has been an explosion of public and scholarly interest in use of blogs, particularly so-called microblogsi like Twitter and Sina Weibo, in activism (Leibold, 2011; Benney, 2011).In this article I examine and juxtapose these two perspectives - threat of state intervention, and increasing strategic sophistication of activists - in examining one case study, of a womeni's workshopi, located in Bobai county (Bobai xian ...) in rural Guangxi province, main aim of which is to advocate for sex workers1. …" @default.
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• W302283593 date "2012-12-01" @default.
• W302283593 modified "2023-09-24" @default.
• W302283593 title "How to Avoid the Centre: The Strategies of a Small Feminist Workshop in Rural China +" @default.
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