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• W303557554 abstract "On morning of 26 July 1911, sounds customarily heard in streets and alleys of Chicago's near west side changed. Where ordinarily cries and shouts of peddlers hawking ice, wood, fruit, vegetables, and other goods resounded, noisy dispute reverberated instead. Three hundred and fifty policemen converged on Maxwell Street in nineteenth ward in response to what news report described as a day of rioting and wild disorder such has not been seen in Chicago since garment workers' strike.1 Brandishing hatchets, banana knives, and occasional pistol, striking peddlers, including men, women, and children, confronted scabs. strikers pitched stones through grocery store windows, tipped wagons and pushcarts, and scattered and destroyed vendor produce. The purpose of picketing is to dissuade all peddlers from taking out their wagons, explained one strike leader. think that after tomorrow there will be no peddlers selling stuff in Chicago. We can't sell goods unless we can cry them through alleys.2 Ironically clash interrupting peddling as usual concerned much bigger and louder battle: fight over politics of noise. Barred from using their voices to hawk wares in public, peddlers rebelled against attempts to regulate their profession out of existence and to relegate its practitioners to margins of legitimate American enterprise and civic life. Striking peddlers faced coalition of anti-noise activists determined to wipe out street cries and thus transform city as sensory as well as an economic realm.3 Opponents ranged from local grocers and night-shift labor associations comprising tens of thousands of working-class members, to politically active middle-class citizens, demanding that city government put stop to this terrible yelling at our backdoors, to Frank B. Noyes, outspoken publisher of Chicago Record-Herald, whose editorial page blamed peddlers for irresponsibly contributing to great composite groan of laboring city.4 Making point that the ear strain is coming into its own, activists had finally convinced city council that more aggressive suppression of nuisance sounds of streets would enhance city life.5 As onerous as peddling cries may have been for some, these sounds reflected work of productive, if not always popular, subset of population.6 Pack peddlers sold notions and portable dry goods. Wagon peddlers sold fresh produce, ice, fish, and other perishable foodstuffs. Peddlers also performed an ecological function as consummate street scavengers, collectors, and recycling artists. Many trafficked in discarded rags, scrap wood, glass, or scrap metal. Still others offered range of mobile services, from sharpening knives and tools to repairing broken pots.7 Peddlers had long inflected public open spaces of Illinois towns, villages, and cities with distinctive cries, yodels, and songs to advertise their services. Rhythmically inclined peddlers literally drummed up business, while others made attention grabbing, if not always melodious sounds, using bells, gongs, whistles, clappers, or horns. A peddler's signature sound represented distinctive aural appeal to residents seeking particular commodity or service.8 Among turn-of-the-century peddlers and their customers, sounds of peddling aurally signified powerful shared experience. Many were disproportionately poor immigrants and East European Jews who had fled Pale of Settlement in Russia in 188Os or had come to Midwest in subsequent waves of immigration. Others had escaped joblessness and poverty in Greece or southern Italy. cries and shouts of peddlers testified to group survival and resilience in face of challenge.9 sounds of peddling embodied particular historical experiences of individuals and groups determined to survive and negotiate processes of modern acculturation through expressive and often highly public means. …" @default.
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• W303557554 date "2003-10-01" @default.
• W303557554 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
• W303557554 title "Peddling Noise: Contesting the Civic Soundscape of Chicago, 1890-1913" @default.
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