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• W304908373 abstract "Introduction: Neo-liberalism and Its Counter-movementsSurveying ways which social science perspectives on urban Latin America have changed since 1970s, Bryan Roberts notes that citizenship largely replaced class as means of analyzing political struggles of (Roberts 2004:195). The change clearly relates to transition from developmentalist to neo-liberal states. Traditional class-based politics depended on labour force of organized workers with stable jobs. In practice only minority of Latin American workers ever enjoyed such jobs and received benefits from state. Nevertheless, even if they were first offered by authoritarian populist to preemptively demobilize challenges from below, workers' tended to expand through further political negotiation. Since 1980s, neo-liberal economic reforms have eroded these gains, making it difficult to contest overall assessment of Petras and Veltmeyer (2002) that new regime has proved a catalyst for social regression, even if there are longer-term differences between countries terms of poverty alleviation that should not be ignored, since they suggest that redistributive policies remain feasible as well as desirable.1During 1980s and 1990s downward mobility not only of skilled workers but of who had come to see themselves as at least lower-middle class created situation which, as Mexican researchers Boltvinik and Hernandez (2000: 14) argue, an increasing mass of anonymous urban poor did not figure as subjects of rights but as receivers of politicized discretionary income supplements, with implication that: where citizenship ends, charity and manipulation for electoral purposes begins. Yet electoral manipulation is not whole story. As Roberts points out, while social services that neo-liberal governments provide to poor have been downsized, poor are now subject to more rather than less intervention, not simply on part of NGOs but also by local instances of government to which central state functions and budgets have been delegated accordance with World Bank and IMF prescriptions (Roberts 2004:197). All this is done name of fostering the and responsibilities associated with citizenship and participation. For Roberts, far from diminishing with shniming-down of state, has deepened by becoming more efficient and managerial The question he poses is whether these interventions can actually create new spaces of participation and stronger and more diverse sense of among urban populations, or simply lead to greater control from and to fragmentation of collective action below (ibid.).This paper seeks to address that question. Greater control from above might, however, suggest kind of state-centred account that governmentality theorists such as Nikolas Rose argue is an obsolescent way of analyzing politics and power 21st century. Roee (1999:5) does not argue that state has become unimportant, but that it needs relocating as simply one element in multiple circuits of power, connecting diversity of authorities and forces, within whole variety of complex assemblages. My mterest m what Rose terms realist sociologjes of governance is stronger than my interest an analytics of governmentality, which is empirical different sense to my discussion of urban social geographies second half of this paper. Anthropologists can bring to focus on capillary processes of power and creation of regimes of truth an understanding of how socially situated reactions of unintentionally contribute to conditions that are sustaining neo-Uberalism. Yet ethnography also shows that limits of neo-tiberal governmentality lie resistance of popular cultures to total colonization by power and continuing organization on part of such ordinary people to effect change their lives. …" @default.
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• W304908373 date "2005-01-01" @default.
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• W304908373 title "Citizenship and the Social Geography of Deep Neo-Liberalization" @default.
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• W304908373 doi "https://doi.org/10.2307/25606219" @default.
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