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- W3121872716 abstract "Do the economic consequences of policies affect the political behavior of elected officials? In particular, do the costs and benefits that flow to households in legislative districts affect representatives' support of policy proposals? In recent years, scholars have investigated this question by regressing roll-call vote decisions of legislators against measures of the economic interests of constituents and the ideology of the legislators [3; 5; 8; 9; 10; 11; 13; 14]. With some exceptions, such as Peltzman [13], most scholars who perform such regressions conclude that constituents' economic interests are not the sole determinant of legislators' behavior. Representatives' own policy preferences explain some of the cross-sectional variance in their support of proposals. In the words of economists, representatives shirk from their constituents' interests. Many authors who regress roll-call vote behavior against measures of constituents' economic interests and representatives' ideology are aware that their measure of the latter (summary rollcall vote ratings by groups such as the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA)) is not a pure measure of representatives' policy beliefs because it is merely a summary of previous roll-call behavior. To eliminate the contamination, scholars regress the ADA rating against numerous economic, demographic, and regional variables. The unexplained residual variance is then used to measure representatives' ideology. Those who use this technique obviously hope that these residuals represent personal ideology and not other possible causes of vote decisions. The reasonableness of this assumption depends on whether the variables regressed against the ADA rating capture all the other causes of congressional behavior. Kalt and Zupan [9, 293; 10, 112], Carson and Oppenheimer [5, 172] and Kau and Rubin [11, 64] exclude three important classes of variables: the positions of interest groups and executive-branch actors, and the likelihood of proposal passage, all of which affect the decisions of legislators. This exclusion increases the probability that the residuals in the ADA equation represent not only the personal ideology of representatives, but also the ability of executive-branch and interest-group actors to affect reelection.'" @default.
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- W3121872716 date "1993-10-01" @default.
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- W3121872716 title "Do Legislators Vote Their Constituents' Wallets? (And How Would We Know If They Did?)" @default.
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- W3121872716 doi "https://doi.org/10.2307/1060085" @default.
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