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• W3122520568 abstract "conventional wisdom in recent scholarship is that the President exercises far greater power over foreign affairs than the Constitution authorizes. The unmistakable trend toward executive domination of U.S. foreign affairs in the past sixty years represents a dramatic departure from the basic scheme of the Constitution.... president is vested with only modest authority in this realm and is clearly only of secondary importance.(1) Constitution was intended to give Congress the preeminent role ... in the formulation of foreign policy.(2) Proponents of this view (which I shall term the interpretation of the Constitution) sometimes disagree on details of how we are to construe the relationship between Congress and the President in the execution of foreign policy.(3) They are united, however, in their rejection of any interpretation of the Constitution that accords the President primary constitutional responsibility for the formulation of United States foreign policy.(4) One requirement of adopting the congressional-primacy view is that one repudiate or distinguish away most of what the Supreme Court appears to have said on the subject, for the Court often has spoken approvingly of `the generally accepted view that foreign policy [is] the province and responsibility of the Executive.'(5) This is, to be sure, a task that the proponents of congressional primacy have been willing to undertake, at times with remarkable alacrity.(6) In turn, however, the sheer weight of inconvenient judicial comment to be dismissed(7) demands a proportionately greater emphasis on other sources of constitutional argument. It is no surprise, therefore, that proponents of congressional primacy assert that for most of the Republic's history, the primacy of Congress's authority over foreign affairs was recognized, not least by both political branches themselves. Whatever its roots, they typically assert, the idea that the President has a legitimate, lawful claim to primacy in foreign affairs--including the formulation of foreign policy--is a twentieth-century innovation in fundamental opposition to our constitutional history, just as it is to constitutional text and original intent.(8) None of [the early] presidents ever claimed that he possessed constitutional powers as chief executive or commander-in-chief that lay legislative control,(9) and, a fortiori, neither Congress nor the courts ever entertained such a claim. If this point is correct--that is, if during the formative era of our constitutional history the words and actions of the three branches repudiated (implicitly or explicitly) any presidential claim to independent authority--congressional primacy has at least one solid basis of support. congressional-primacy interpretation of the Constitution is, I think, an error. On balance, and despite many difficulties of interpretation and application, the Constitution is best read--as in fact it generally has been read by the courts and the executive--to accord the President exactly what congressional-primacy proponents deny: inherent constitutional powers, some of which are beyond legislative control, to formulate and pursue foreign policy. This Article, however, does not attempt to make this broader argument.(10) Instead, it examines the assumption of the advocates of congressional primacy that the constitutional thought and practice of the Founding era are devoid of support for the executive-responsibility view. I attempt to show that this assumption is clearly mistaken. In fact, the argument that the President possesses significant independent constitutional authority over foreign affairs is no invention of twentieth-century executive branch apologists,(11) but can be found in carefully considered statements of principle articulated by distinguished Founding-era constitutionalists in the exercise of their duties as officials or officers of the United States government. …" @default.
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• W3122520568 date "1999-05-01" @default.
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• W3122520568 title "The Founders and The President's Authority over Foreign Affairs" @default.
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