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- W313153296 abstract "Attention to educational developments in the American South indeed could lead to a more adequate theory of schooling. Unlike the rest of the nation, the American South had been characterized by a slave mode of production and its accompanying white supremacist ideology. Unlike the rest of the nation, the American South was home to a relatively large number of exslaves who continued to suffer from a socially imposed castelike identity that led to their disenfranchisement in practice. And, unlike the rest of the nation, mass educational developments in the South were remarkably slow, racially segregated, and blatantly unequal. Schooling or Working? analyzes a sample of county-level variations in 1910 educational participation levels by race and by age in 12 southern states. The main findings of this study are (1) black, but not white, enrollments were lower where Republican party influence was weaker; (2) the enrollment levels of older, but not younger, black children were negatively affected by the greater dominance of the plantation economy; (3) white enrollments were higher where there were a greater number of blacks and tended to be positively affected by the tenancy measures of the plantation economy; and (4) the enrollments of older black and white children tended to be lower where greater manufacturing employment offered greater job opportunities. These are interesting empirical findings that highlight the saliency of race in the educational developments of the South. It is evident that race-specific enrollments were differentially affected by the dynamics of party politics and by the plantation economy. These findings suggest that in some important respects there continued to exist a distinctive Southern regime based on race. They also show, however, that the South did not differ much from the rest of the nation regarding the negative association between job opportunities and school enrollments. To make sense of these realities, one needs more than yesterday's class-interests analysis. When even Bowles and Gintis (1986) reject the premise of exogenous interests as an explanatory mechanism (pp. 22-23), it is surprising to see this premise so cavalierly set forth in this article. Though Figure 1 does not stipulate a causal path between class and political structures, the text repeatedly makes clear that political actors and state policies are constrained by class structures and interests, not the other way around. Though there are references to race structures, the assertion that it is virtually impossible to disentangle the effects of race from class in the South appears to justify much theoretical silence regarding race. The planter class and its interests are the main causal motor in this argument; the central theoretical assertion is that these interests led to the restriction of educational opportunities for the subordinate class in the South. There are some basic problems with this argument. First, the researchers fail to recognize that theirs is a variant of the class impositional arguments that they explicitly disown. When it is in the interests of the dominant class to extend schooling to the subordinate class, as allegedly was the case in the American Northeast, schooling is extended. However, when the interests of the dominant class are served by restricting schooling, as the authors claim was the case in the South, schooling is restricted. The problem is that both the expansion and restriction of schooling to the subordinate class appear to be explainable by referring to the ad hoc unmeasured interests of the dominant class. As has been noted elsewhere, this kind of argument seems to be especially Address all correspondence to Dr. Francisco 0. Ramirez, School of Education, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305." @default.
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- W313153296 date "1990-01-01" @default.
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- W313153296 title "Education in the South, 1910: A Debate. Institutions and Interests: A Critical Comment on Walters, McCammon, and James." @default.
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