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• W339727114 abstract "Abstract: This article charts the last decade of Georgian (2003-2013) through theories of semiauthoritarianism and democratization. It first dissects Saakashvili's system of politics, which enabled state-building reforms, yet atrophied political competition. It then analyzes the two-level between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After detailing the verdict of Election Day, the article turns to the tense cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of The last section examines if the new ruling party is taking Georgia in the direction of reforms or closure. ********** Under what conditions do elections in semi-authoritarian states spur breakthroughs? (1) This is a conundrum relevant to many hybrid regimes in the region of the former Soviet Union. It is also a question of particular importance for the citizens of Georgia, who surprisingly voted out the United National Movement (UNM) and instead backed the Georgian Dream (GD), both in the October 2012 parliamentary elections and in the October 2013 presidential elections. This article aims to shed light on the dramatic, but not necessarily democratic, political changes unleashed by these events. It is, however, beneficial to first consult some of the concepts and insights that have been generated by earlier research on semi-authoritarian regimes. These ideas identify obstacles to, and drivers of, democratization, and therefore help to structure our investigation into Georgia's political trajectory over the last decade and recent elections. Thomas Carothers was one of the first scholars to conceptualize the gray zone between democracy and autocracy, where Georgia has been stuck for over two decades, in spite of several radical transformations. Carothers argued that semi-authoritarian regimes are characterized either by dominant-power politics or feckless pluralism. (2) Under the first syndrome, one group dominates political life through the abuse of state resources for their own partisan purposes. The courts, police authorities and media operate in the interest of the ruling party. Tax revenue and employment opportunities are likewise allocated based on political loyalty. Democratic institutions do exist and opposition parties challenge the ruling party in elections. But the absence of a level playing field means that opportunities for accountability are limited. Countries plagued by pluralism are characterized by another set of symptoms. Their democracy is superficial even though elections bring about transfers of power between different groupings. The political elite is corrupt, ineffective and disconnected from the people it claims to represent. Citizens rarely take an interest in beyond Election Day. Carothers' thoughts on and pluralism underscore the possibility that transitions--instead of following a linear path from autocracy to democracy--also can take a cyclical route: from one type of semi-autocracy to another. In order to break out of these regime cycles, Andreas Schedler argued that lingering aspects of authoritarian control must be eliminated so as to give democratic uncertainty--in the form of free and fair elections --the opportunity to take hold. (3) He hypothesized that democratization, eventually, is likely to occur since elections in semi-authoritarian states, even if manipulated, unleash a strategic between incumbents and the opposition. Schedler dubs it a nested two-level game since it is played on two distinct, yet interrelated, levels. On the institutional arena, politicians wrangle about the fundamental rules of politics, such as the constitution and election code. Incumbents often seek to skew these institutions in their own favor, resulting in closure, whilst opposition parties push for a level playing field, resulting in reform. …" @default.
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• W339727114 date "2014-06-22" @default.
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• W339727114 title "Georgia between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism, and Democracy" @default.
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