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• W4207076184 abstract "On December 9 and 10, 2021, United States President Joe Biden convened a virtual meeting of democracies worldwide. Called the Summit for Democracy, the objective of the conference is to devise ways to protect democratic governance from the threats of populism, authoritarianism, violent extremism, and others. A total of 110 countries were invited to this gathering and heads of states gave speeches and rhetorical statements in the defense and promotion of democracy as a system of government, a set of guiding principles, and a vital way of life. Apart from the urgency to take a collective stand, the summit also signified that the post-Trump United States is once again ready to take up the mantle of global political leadership. While the Summit had good intentions, many eyebrows were raised as it somehow contradicted previous actions of the US that somehow undermined democracy. Its withdrawal from Afghanistan showed that the Western power gave up on rebuilding democratic institutions in this war-torn country. Moreover, its foreign policy that implicitly supports autocratic rule in regions like the Middle East somehow wreaks of hypocrisy. Many pundits saw the project more as a strategic maneuver of the US to counter the increasing influence of major powers like China and Russia rather than a genuine gathering of like-minded states who share democratic values and principles. Political scientists, particularly scholars studying democracies around the world also observed that the Summit was a by-invitation meeting that excluded some countries but more importantly included states whose democratic credentials are questionable. The conventional wisdom from the study of comparative democratization has established that there is a wide gray area between democracy and autocracy. Hybrid regimes, eroding or backsliding democracies, and other democracies with “adjectives” are more common today and ever before. According to one think-tank, 30% of the invited states are deemed only as “partly free” according to Freedom House. Populist leaders in Asia like Duterte from the Philippines and Modi from India have been invited as well as Iraq, even though it is considered as “not free” by Freedom House. Historically, democracy promotion is at the core of US foreign policy. Since the Cold War Era, the US has pegged its foreign policy, particularly its foreign aid policy on political conditionalities that nudge countries to acquire more democratic attributes. After 9/11, it launched the Millennium Challenge Corporation that calibrates foreign assistance in accordance with progress in key democratic and rule of law indicators. However, the Biden administration seems to be more interested in grand gestures of protecting democracy with a capital “D” and less support with measures that build institutions, civil society, media, and other popular initiatives which one can call democracy is a small letter “d”. For its part, Asian Politics & Policy has published numerous articles tackling the challenges of democracy-building and democratic consolidation in Asia. While the Biden administration seeks to follow-up the Summit for Democracy with its kleptocracy initiative, a policy that seeks to undermine illicit money flows, corruption, and patrimonial plunder worldwide, regular readers of APP might remember the 2014 Special Issue titled “Corruption, Political Scandals, and the Frail Democracies of Southeast Asia” that examined “the ways in which corruption, scandals, political patronage and perceptions of such, converge to shape the discussion on forms of democracy and how they should be practiced in the region” (Lopez & Suryomenggolo, 2014). While democracy remains a contested concept in Southeast Asia as well as other regions in the world, the United States might have less pushback if it rallied countries against corruption, money laundering, and economic plunder. Another aspect of democracy that is a point of debate in Asia is how it is seen less as a source of political legitimacy. Despite decades of democratization worldwide, democracy is not the “only game in town” as more traditional, collectivist, paternalist, and authoritarian modes of governance still derive legitimacy in Asian societies. In their well-grounded study, Cummins and Leach (2012) gave support to the widely held view that democracy cannot be wholly exported externally and be expected to flourish with ease as seen in Timor Leste's hybrid forms of governance at the local level. Therefore, any global push for defending democracy must strictly impose a single definition. As a mode of governance, it must be recognized that democracy is plural in nature and not a monolithic regime type. In this first issue for 2022, APP is pleased to publish original research articles that covered a wide array of topics, including the South China Sea disputes, the Rohingya conflict in Myanmar, Duterte's populism in the Philippines, voting behavior in Thailand, the role of business elites in policy-making in China, among others. Similar to other first issues of the year, we are pleased to inform our readers that all articles and reviews in this issue are free until the end of 2022. We hope that our journal can be a good academic medium for serious and rigorous debates and discussions on public policies in Asia." @default.
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• W4207076184 date "2022-01-01" @default.
• W4207076184 modified "2023-10-17" @default.
• W4207076184 title "Can democracy be defended globally?" @default.
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• W4207076184 doi "https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12626" @default.
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