FRINK Linked Data Fragments server

Matches in SemOpenAlex for { <https://semopenalex.org/work/W4233306538> ?p ?o ?g. }

• W4233306538 endingPage "45" @default.
• W4233306538 startingPage "45" @default.
• W4233306538 abstract "Occupation Efraim Karsh (bio) No term has dominated the discourse of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict more than occupation. For decades now, hardly a day has passed without some mention in the international media of Israel's supposedly illegitimate presence on Palestinian lands. Yet while for international observers the term occupation denotes Israel's control of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, areas that it captured during the June 1967 War, Palestinians and Arabs view it as applying to Israel's very creation on stolen land. As Palestinian Authority (PA) president Mahmoud Abbas put it in March 2016: We have been under occupation for 67 or 68 years [i.e., since Israel's establishment]. Others would have sunk into despair and frustration. However, we are determined to reach our goal because our people stand behind us. Hence the routine insistence on a Palestinian right of return that is meant to reverse the effects of the 1948 occupation—i.e., the establishment of the state of Israel itself. This historical narrative is not only completely unfounded but the inverse of the truth. In 1948, no Palestinian state was occupied or destroyed to make way for the establishment of Israel. From biblical times, when this territory was the state of the Jews, to its occupation by the British army at the end of World War I, Palestine had never existed as a distinct political entity but was rather part of one empire after another, from the Romans, to the Arabs, to the Ottomans. When the British arrived in 1917, the immediate loyalties of the area's inhabitants were parochial—to clan, tribe, village, town, or religious sect—and coexisted with their fealty to the Ottoman sultan-caliph as the religious and temporal head of the world Muslim community. Under a League of Nations mandate explicitly meant to pave the way for the creation of a Jewish national home, the British established the notion of an independent Palestine for the first time and delineated its boundaries. In 1947, confronted with a determined Jewish struggle for independence, Britain returned the mandate to the League's successor, the [End Page 45] United Nations, which in turn decided on 29 November 1947 to partition mandatory Palestine into two states: one Jewish, the other Arab. The State of Israel was thus created by an internationally recognized act of national self-determination—an act, moreover, undertaken by an ancient people in its ancestral homeland. In accordance with common democratic practice, the Arab population in the new state's midst was immediately recognized as a legitimate ethnic and religious minority. As for the prospective Arab state, its designated territory was slated to include, among other areas, the two regions under contest today—namely, Gaza and the West Bank (with the exception of Jerusalem, which was to be placed under international control). As is well-known, the implementation of the UN's partition plan was aborted by the effort of the Palestinians and of the surrounding Arab states to destroy the Jewish state at birth. What is less well-known is that even if the Jews had lost the war, their territory would not have been handed over to the Palestinians. Rather, it would have been divided among the invading Arab forces, for the simple reason that none of the region's Arab regimes viewed the Palestinians as a distinct nation. As the eminent Arab-American historian Philip Hitti described the common Arab view to an Anglo-American commission of inquiry in 1946, There is no such thing as Palestine in history, absolutely not. In March 1948, as the Arab states were gearing for an attack on the Jewish state that would be proclaimed upon the end of the British mandate on 14 May, Arab League Secretary-General Abdel Rahman Azzam disclosed the envisaged partition of Palestine among the invading states: [Transjordan's King] Abdullah was to swallow up the central hill regions of Palestine, with access to the Mediterranean at Gaza. The Egyptians would get the Negev. [The] Galilee would go to Syria, except that the coastal part as far as Acre would be added to the Lebanon if its inhabitants opted for it by a referendum..." @default.
• W4233306538 created "2022-05-12" @default.
• W4233306538 creator A5077395446 @default.
• W4233306538 date "2019-01-01" @default.
• W4233306538 modified "2023-10-18" @default.
• W4233306538 title "Occupation" @default.
• W4233306538 doi "https://doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.24.2.04" @default.
• W4233306538 hasPublicationYear "2019" @default.
• W4233306538 type Work @default.
• W4233306538 citedByCount "1" @default.
• W4233306538 countsByYear W42333065382020 @default.
• W4233306538 crossrefType "journal-article" @default.
• W4233306538 hasAuthorship W4233306538A5077395446 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C11413529 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C114362828 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C17744445 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C195244886 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C199539241 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C2776769304 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C2780446542 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C41008148 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C48103436 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C6303427 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C94625758 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConcept C95457728 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C11413529 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C114362828 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C17744445 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C195244886 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C199539241 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C2776769304 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C2780446542 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C41008148 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C48103436 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C6303427 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C94625758 @default.
• W4233306538 hasConceptScore W4233306538C95457728 @default.
• W4233306538 hasIssue "2" @default.
• W4233306538 hasLocation W42333065381 @default.
• W4233306538 hasOpenAccess W4233306538 @default.
• W4233306538 hasPrimaryLocation W42333065381 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W1980508634 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2046727747 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2090665885 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2095262153 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2116831945 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2321884232 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2326671965 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2331569755 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2479071214 @default.
• W4233306538 hasRelatedWork W2337210485 @default.
• W4233306538 hasVolume "24" @default.
• W4233306538 isParatext "false" @default.
• W4233306538 isRetracted "false" @default.
• W4233306538 workType "article" @default.