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- W4236075495 abstract "Reviewed by: Albert: A Life by Jules Stewart Walter L. Arnstein (bio) Albert: A Life, by Jules Stewart; pp. xi + 276. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2012, £22.50, $28.00. As the recently refurbished ornate golden Albert Memorial (across the street from the Royal Albert Hall) reminds visitors to London, Queen Victoria’s husband has not exactly been ignored. Nor have biographers disregarded the Prince Consort in books [End Page 712] such as Daphne Bennett’s King Without A Crown: Albert, Prince Consort of England, 1819–1861 (1977), Robert Rhodes James’s Prince Albert: A Biography (1983), Hermione Hobhouse’s Prince Albert, His Life and Work (1983), or Stanley Weintraub’s Uncrowned King: The Life of Prince Albert (1997). It is all but impossible to draft a biography of Victoria without incorporating the royal partnership. Jules Stewart feels persuaded, however, that 150 years after his illness and death in 1861 “too little is known and appreciated by the present generation” about Albert. A case can indeed be made for a brief and readable overview of the life and accomplishments of the younger son of a minor German duke whose numerous endeavors in Britain were halted at age forty-two. An experienced journalist and the author of works on nineteenth-century Afghanistan and the Indian frontier, Stewart denies that he is a hagiographer at heart, but the titles of five of his seven chapters are suggestive: “A Blessing to Queen and Country,” “The People’s Prince,” “Hail, Britannia,” “‘King to all Intents and Purposes,’” and “‘We have Buried our Sovereign.’” In any event, the author remains convinced that “Albert was the greatest of the Victorians” (5). After providing a generally persuasive account of Albert’s first twenty years, the author celebrates the manner in which the young husband became the master of the Windsor Castle household by driving out the Baroness Louise Lehzen. In Victoria’s longtime governess “there lurked a deeply devious and scheming character” and a “stealthy and secretive woman” who “was downright dangerous” (59). Yet had Lehzen not also saved the young princess from the efforts of John Conroy, the majordomo of Victoria’s mother, to establish himself as the young queen’s permanent secretary? Stewart does provide a helpful account of Albert as educational reformer after he became chancellor of the University of Cambridge in 1847. There the prince succeeded in having courses added in psychology, comparative physiology, metaphysics, political economy, and modern languages. Stewart is at his best on Albert’s role as inspirer of the Great Exhibition of 1851 (the single largest structure in the world at that time) and of all its long-range consequences: a complex of art and science museums as well as the Royal Geographical Society, the Royal College of Music, and Imperial College. In the aftermath of the Crimean War from 1854 to 1856, Albert also became an influential military reformer. Albert was neither a socialist nor a prophet of the twentieth-century welfare state, but he did become one of many philanthropists who encouraged the construction of model dwelling houses that were rented out while earning a profit of five percent a year. Surely Stewart exaggerates, therefore, that when, as first president of the Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes, the youthful prince thereby “lay his egalitarian cards on the table” by delivering “one of the boldest speeches” and “one of his most damnable as well” (94). If not revolutionary in intent, Albert did seek to make Victoria’s monarchy more cultured, enlightened, efficient, and moral. His purpose was not only to superintend her court but also to serve as her sole confidential adviser in politics, her only aide in her communications with her ministers, her private secretary, and her permanent minister. It is hardly surprising that some of those ministers sensed keen ambition as well as conscientiousness in an inexperienced foreigner still in his twenties who prepared long memoranda on every aspect of domestic and foreign policy at a time when he had “decided that German was to be his lingua franca with the Queen” (234). [End Page 713] Although Albert expressed “respect for the institutions of parliamentary government,” he sometimes forgot..." @default.
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- W4236075495 doi "https://doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.56.4.712" @default.
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