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• W4239936699 abstract "Given originally as a Hartley Lecture during the Primitive Methodist centenary celebrations, Joseph Ritson began The Romance of Primitive Methodism (1909) with an honest appraisal of the book's approach: The Centenary of Primitive Methodism naturally suggested that the story of this Church should once more be told, not from the historical point of view as much as from that of romance. The most prosaic reader of the history must be impressed with its romantic elements, and these have been brought into special prominence by the various Centenary celebrations all over the country (v). Open University scholar Sandy Calder's contention is that Ritson's book in fact ‘sums up … the self-image of the movement's followers’ and that thanks to successive Methodist historians ‘it continued to do so long after nominal reintegration in 1932’ (ix). For Calder this self-image is one of ‘class based adversity’ and his study uses a number of approaches to attempt to challenge such a view.Calder writes from outside of both a faith perspective and a Methodist background and while this does result at times in unfamiliarity with aspects of the living tradition of Methodism, the great strength that Calder's detachment brings is that it makes him fearless in challenging the ‘received’ story of Primitive Methodism so familiar to those of us who continue to live with it as part of our faith commitment and ecclesiological identity. Especially valuable is his thorough investigation of Mary Dunnel, the early Primitive Methodist female evangelist whose association with the movement ended with allegations of bigamy from Hugh Bourne, a charge unsubstantiated in original records unearthed by Calder. His work on the propinquity of Primitive Methodist chapels is also fascinating and deserves further investigation. In addition, Calder makes a number of bold claims that would benefit further substantiation, not least the suggestion that James Steele has a stronger claim to be considered the ‘inaugural leader’ (100) of the movement than Hugh Bourne.Another strong point of Calder's work is his willingness to engage with all of Bourne's written manuscripts, including those autobiographical ones written toward the end of his life that offer a different view of Clowes's involvement in early camp meetings and that have been dismissed by subsequent historians as the product of Bourne's failing health. Calder shows in penetrating analysis of Bourne's busy work schedule during the 1840s (104) that if Bourne was then in decline, any physical signs of it are hard to detect.In his forensic analysis of press accounts, baptismal registers, census returns, and probate records Calder tries to hold in tension the local and connexional, and seeks to draw conclusions using individual case studies as indicators of wider financial and social trends. In doing so he acknowledges the gaps in surviving records—the absence of available material from the Primitive Methodist heartlands of the Potteries, South Cheshire, or Shropshire in the survey of early press coverage, for example—which make constructing a complete picture difficult. He also admits that identifying the financial situation of early Primitive Methodist itinerants like John Wedgewood risks being ‘in itself, merely interesting’ (225) rather than indicative of an economic pattern. Calder is also aware of the difficulties in establishing patterns and trends of chapel architecture and finance in a denomination ‘with poor central control, little standing administration machinery until the mid-Victorian era, and a tradition of district resistance to central interference’ (217).One does not have to read Ritson's romance as pure history to acknowledge that while Primitive Methodism may not have been ‘a cradle of socialism’ (22), plenty of Primitive Methodists came from humble backgrounds to play a part in national and denominational life. The miners figuring ‘quite prominently among ministerial recruits’ in Kenneth Brown's research (A Social History of the Nonconformist Ministry in England and Wales 1800–1930 [1988], 38) and the twenty-three colliery workers elected as MPs between 1874 and 1932 with Primitive Methodist backgrounds lived alongside the itinerants and prominent lay figures whose relative wealth Calder's research insightfully uncovers. All are representative of a wider complex social picture of a national church by the end of the Victorian era where industrialists and union activists existed side by side. The great value of the large body of evidence that Calder accumulates is thus in acting as a corrective to any view of later Primitive Methodism continuing to be an impoverished movement triumphing against all the odds rather than a denomination growing in wealth, stature, and social and economic diversity as the nineteenth century proceeded." @default.
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• W4239936699 date "2017-01-01" @default.
• W4239936699 modified "2023-10-18" @default.
• W4239936699 title "Review" @default.
• W4239936699 doi "https://doi.org/10.5325/weslmethstud.9.2.0193" @default.
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