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• W4253164920 abstract "94 The Michigan Historical Review keep Dearborn in his superlative image was immobilized by an emerging labor movement as well as a dismal economy. As the Great Depression emerged, many of the promises of Fordism remained unrealized creating transformative tensions such as the Ford Hunger March, the Battle of the Overpass at River Rogue, and ultimately, Ford signing a union contract in 1941. In sum, Barrow’s insightful research brilliantly reevaluates the objectives of welfare capitalism and the origins of suburbanization. She compellingly utilizes 1930 census information to assemble eight tables of statistics regarding: homeownership, marital status, housing value, household composition, and distance to the workplace. In the end, Dearborn and similar suburbs became prosperous while Detroit was drained of resources. Consequently, the runaway growth of Dearborn inevitably led to the fall of Detroit, and, as Barrow reminds us, some of Detroit’s segregated suburbs have persisted even until now. This timely and erudite volume is essential reading for understanding the metropolitization of Detroit. Its nuanced portrait of Henry Ford should impress scholars of business management, labor history, race relations, transportation policies, urban planning, and Michigan audiences alike. Mark Edward Braun State University of New York at Cobleskill Lila Corwin Berman. Metropolitan Jews: Politics, Race, and Religion in Postwar Detroit. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015. Pp. 324. Illustrations. Index. Notes. Cloth: $35.00. In Metropolitan Jews, Lila Corwin Berman explores the changing identity and urban ties of American Jews in the late twentieth century using Detroit as a case study. She traces their residential mobility from an inner-city immigrant portal to a second area of succession within the city, after World War II, to their flight to the suburbs. Yet, Berman argues, residential succession led Jews and their communal institutions to redefine their relationship to the city as they retained an urban identity regardless of where they lived. Hence despite moving to the suburbs, according to Berman, they became “Metropolitan Jews,” still committed “politically, economically, spiritually, and culturally to the city” (p.7). Additionally, in the twenty-first century, some Jews became part of a vanguard movement back to the city. For Jews and their communal Book Reviews 95 institutions, the city was “a reference point for what it meant to be Jewish in America” (pp.8-9). While Berman seeks to understand American Jews in the late twentieth century, she makes a valuable contribution to understanding Detroit in the last fifty years. That period marked major transformations in the Detroit metropolitan area with the growth of suburbs, middle-class flight (overwhelmingly white but some blacks as well) from the central city, continued African American in-migration, economic and industrial decline throughout the rustbelt, and the failure of a number of programs to “revive” the central city. She details how Jewish institutions and leaders attempted to remain in old neighborhoods and accommodate economic and racial changes. Yet, according to Berman, movement to the suburbs did not necessarily mean that Jews abandoned the city or their urban identity; they retained their commitment to and involvement in supporting Detroit and urban reform. They became Metropolitan Jews. Berman’s greatest contribution is to understanding the relationship of individual Jews and communal institutions to the changing city and the urban idea. In the United States and Europe, Jews predominantly have been urbanites. Success in the United States after World War II gave them, for the first time, some power and influence in cities. Thus a focus on the Jewish community and its rising importance within urban areas promises to shed light on and lead to a better understanding of the role of American Jews in the second half of the twentieth century. Yet the book’s very strength—its nuanced understanding of Jewish leaders and communal institutions—does not allow us fully to understand their roles in Detroit’s transformation. Without greater discussion of Detroit in general—other neighborhoods, other ethnic and racial groups, especially the Black communities and institutions, other important Detroit institutions besides banks and mortgages, automobile companies and executives, and the UAW and its officers—it is difficult to assess the role of Jewish leaders and institutions in Detroit. In other words, how much of Detroit’s story in..." @default.
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• W4253164920 doi "https://doi.org/10.5342/michhistrevi.42.1.0094" @default.
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