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• W4362575931 abstract "On February 1, 2020, a group of queer activists paid a visit to Mumbai Bagh, a sit-in protest by Muslim women against the discriminatory Citizenship Amendment Act inspired by the landmark Shaheen Bagh sit-in that began in Delhi in December 2019. Many of us were dressed in the same clothes we had worn to Mumbai Pride, which had taken place earlier that day as a “protest gathering” at Azad Maidan after being denied permission to march. There was a heady feeling of optimism in the air—after all, this was the largest and most widespread outpouring of dissent against the government since the Bharatiya Janata Party had come to power six years ago (Hasan).Flanked by posters of Chhatrapati Shivaji and Savitribai Phule, Maulana Azad and Babasaheb Ambedkar, spaces like Mumbai Bagh had become peculiar sites for the crafting of contested solidarities among a wide variety of marginalized groups (Dalits and Muslims, Bahujans and Adivasis, queers and feminists). They also reanimated and rejuvenated connections between diverse social justice movements while creating new intergenerational bonds that were crucial in protecting communities against state intimidation. The same activists who navigated the by-lanes of the bustling Moorland Road, for instance, rallied support to prevent the incarceration of young queer and trans students who were charged with sedition for raising slogans at Mumbai Pride later that month.At 7:30 a.m. on March 24, 2020, the Delhi Police forcefully dispersed protestors at Shaheen Bagh (India Today). They cited public health concerns for dismantling what had, by then, become a symbol of resistance against state-sanctioned Islamophobia at the national and international levels. This came just a day after other sit-in protests, including Mumbai Bagh, were called off as fears rose about the “novel coronavirus” that was bringing life in the West to a grinding halt. Opinions were divided on the decision to suspend demonstrations. For some, a tactical retreat was essential to protect already vulnerable communities from a public health crisis. For several others, the looming threat of a virus could not justify giving up critical momentum gained by protestors.There was scant time for discussion or deliberation. That very evening, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced a brutal nationwide twenty-one-day lockdown scheduled to begin at midnight (Modi). In the chaos and panic that ensued, India witnessed what was described as “the largest mass migration since partition” (Mathew). Overnight, the same WhatsApp groups that had been used to organize marches turned into relief coordination centers that took over the job of the state. Volunteers donned homemade PPE kits to provide everything from ration packets for stranded daily wage earners left without sources of income to water bottles for the hundreds of thousands of migrant workers fleeing larger cities on foot. Instagram handles that had shared trendy posters with revolutionary poetry from Faiz Ahmed Faiz now put out chic requests for donations for fundraisers hosted on a mushrooming cluster of social impact websites (Ramasubramanian).As the pandemic forced bodies to interface with the state in unique and unforeseen ways, networks for applying political pressure were reactivated to safeguard fundamental rights. When HIV antiretroviral therapy centers were converted into COVID-19 wards, the same activists who had organized a women-, queer-, and trans-led protest against the Citizenship Amendment Act wrote letters to health authorities. When trans persons were misgendered while being placed into gender segregated isolation rooms, it was Dalit trans women politicians like Disha Pinky Shaikh (fig. 1) and indigenous nupi maanbi leaders like Santa Khurai who raised their voices against systemic discrimination. The consolidation of such efforts across the country, facilitated by individuals like Grace Banu and organizations like the Telangana Hijra Intersex Transgender Samiti, forced the central government to take note and led to the announcement of a (meager) “subsistence allowance” for transgender persons (Pandit).This is not to suggest that the present moment is unprecedented. Queer politics in India has remained intimately connected to radical politics. In 1934, Babasaheb Ambedkar, a Dalit social reformer and eventual architect of India’s constitution, defended—when no one else would—RD Karve, a magazine editor arrested by the police under obscenity charges for writing on birth control and sexuality (Times, “Prof. Karve’s Fine”). More recently, in 1988, Dalit Panthers chief Namdeo Dhasal led a march of sex workers from the red-light neighborhood of Kamathipura to meet the chief minister and demand loan waivers in the face of high interest rates by oppressive moneylenders (Times, “Write Off”). A wide array of progressive social movements was instrumental in driving the fight against Section 377, India’s colonial-era anti-sodomy law that was finally struck down by the Supreme Court in 2018, and the more recent Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, which was passed despite serious concerns raised by the trans community in 2019. What I wish to suggest, however, is that the pandemic has marked the possibility for the transfiguration of dominant forms of queer politics from their current liberal litigious forms.With each successive wave of the pandemic, a pervasive sense of hopelessness and fatigue has replaced buoyant aspirations of the prospect of change. Streams of support, from the state or philanthropies or individual donors, have dried down to a trickle. Vaccine passports have laid a veneer of normalcy upon the vulgarity of asking for forms of identification to board public transport. As the double vaccinated gain a golden ticket to enter shopping malls and travel abroad, invasive public health applications are creating new forms of surveillance (Deb). And governments, at both the local and national levels, are using the pretext of controlling transmission to stifle dissent and pass controversial reforms like new farm laws, prompting renewed discussions on the merits of abandoning protests in the name of protecting communities against the virus (Civicus Monitor,“Indian Authorities”).Queerness in India is at a crossroads today. After the decriminalization of sodomy by the Supreme Court in 2018 and the combined impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act, queer activism has moved out of the courtroom and into the political arena. Requests for the restitution of rights through petitions are turning into demands for a recognition of rights through representation. Simultaneously, queer bodies and queer identities are being mobilized by the Hindu nationalist state against various minorities (Bacchetta). Whether a coalitional politics that brings together diverse marginalized communities can hold its own against a majoritarian appropriation of queerness remains to be seen." @default.
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• W4362575931 title "From Petitions to Demands, Restitution to Representation" @default.
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