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• W4387495461 abstract "ABSTRACTDrawing on qualitative fieldwork with two Islamist movements in India since 2011, this article contributes to a better understanding of how Muslim community leaders try to spearhead third front alliances with secular and religious minorities through discourses of shared political and economic victimhood and the provision of protection against the assertions of Hindu nationalists in an era of unprecedented Hindu vote consolidation. While such alliances exist, the paper analyzes a new trend within Muslim politics that promotes a political departure from the traditional patronage of the Indian National Congress (INC) and other low-caste and socialist parties, which have historically represented the Muslim masses. I then discuss the limitations of these third front leadership ambitions, whereby Islamist movements are seen as incompatible with gender equality and secular norms. Theoretically, the paper informs the academic debate on coalition-building processes within social movement theory (SMT), which has partially ignored the role of conservative religious actors in democratic as well as authoritarian systems. AcknowledgementThe author would like to thank the the reviewers and editors of India Review, whose comments improved the manuscripts substantially.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 M. Akshatha and I. Aravind, “Not a good omen for Congress,” Economic Times, 5 September 2018.2 P. Singh, “The Left and the Third Front,” Economic and Political Weekly 44, no. 12 (2009): 8–11.3 W. F. Kuracina, Politics and Left Unity in India The United Front in Late Colonial India. (London: Routledge, 2018), p.8.4 Ibid.5 C. Jaffrelot. Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021), pp 5–6.6 S. Sardesai, P. Gupta, and R. Sayal, “The Religious Fault Line in the 2014 Election,” Research Journal: Social Sciences 22, no. 2 (2014): 28–44; S. Sardesai, “The religious divide in voting preferences and attitudes in the 2019 election,” Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 2 (2019): 161–75.7 I. Ahmad. The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare: A Long View of India’s 2014 Election. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019); A. Farooqui, “Political representation of a minority: Muslim representation in contemporary India,” India Review 19, no. 2 (2020): 153–75.8 J. Alam, “A turning point, The Sachar report has the potential to affect all facets of Indian politics as the Mandal and Masjid issues did,” Frontline 23, no. 24 (2006).9 M. Assadi, “Karnataka Elections: Shifts, New Trends, and the Congress Defeat,” Economic and Political Weekly 39, no. 38 (2004): 4221–28; D. L. Sheth, “Political communalization of religions and the crisis of secularism,” Economic and Political Weekly 44, no. 39 (2009): 71–9; R. Verma and P. Gupta, “Facts and Fiction about How Muslims Vote.” Economic and Political Weekly 51 no. 53 (2016): 110–16; R. Santhosh and D. Paleri, “Ethnicization of religion in practice? Recasting competing communal mobilizations in coastal Karnataka, South India.” Ethnicities (first view), 2020.10 J. Alam, “The Contemporary Muslim Situation in India: A Long-Term View,” Economic and Political Weekly 54, no. 2 (2008): 45–53; F. Osella and C. Osella, “Islamism and Social Reform in Kerala, South India.” Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 42 (2–3) (2008): 317–46; I. Ahmad, Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of the Jamaat-e-Islami. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009); J. Abdelhalim, Indian Muslims and Citizenship: Spaces for Jihad in Everyday Life. (London: Routledge, 2015); A. Emmerich, Islamic movements in India: moderation and its discontents. (London: Routledge, 2020).11 For research on coalition formations in India (without a specific focus on Muslim leadership ambitions); see B. Chakrabarty, Forging power: Coalition politics in India (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2005); B. Sridharan, ed. Coalition politics in India: selected issues at the center and the states (Academic Foundation: New Delhi, 2014); S. Ruparelia, Divided we govern: Coalition politics in modern India (Oxford University Press: New York, 2015).12 M. N. Zald, and Roberta Ash, “Social Movement Organizations: Growth, Decay and Change,” Social Forces 44, no. 3 (1966): 327–41.13 P. Almeida, Social Movements: The Structure of Collective Mobilization (University of California Press: Berkeley, 2019).14 S. Staggenborg, “Coalition work in the pro-choice movement: Organizational and environmental opportunities and constraints,” Social Problems 33, no. 5 (1986): 374–80; N. V. Dyke, “Crossing Movement Boundaries: Factors That Facilitate Coalition Protest by American College Students, 1930–1990,” Social Problems 50, no. 2 (2003): 226–50; G. Murphy, “Coalitions and the development of the global environmental movement: A double-edged sword,” Mobilization 10, no. 2 (2005): 235–50; P. Lichterman, Elusive togetherness (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005).15 D. S. Meyer and N. Whittier, “Social Movement Spillover,” Social Problems, vol. 42, no. 2, 1994, pp. 277–298; A. Brysk, “Hearts and Minds: Bringing Symbolic Politics Back In,” Polity, vol. 27 no. 1, 1995, pp. 559–586; J. Lee, “Insularity or solidarity? The impacts of political opportunity structure and social movement sector on alliance formation,” Mobilization 16, no. 3 (2011): 303–24.16 S. E. Barkan, “Interorganizational Conflict in the Southern Civil Rights Movement,” Sociological Inquiry, vol. 56, no. 2, 1986, pp. 190–209; N. V. Dyke and Bryan Amos, “Social movement coalitions: Formation, longevity, and success,” Sociology Compass 11, no. 7 (2017): 1–1717 S. Ellingson, V. A. Woodley and A. Paik, “The structure of religious environmentalism: Movement organizations, inter-organizational networks, and collective action,” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 51, no. 2 (2012): 266–85.18 Lichterman, Elusive togetherness; D. A. Rohlinger and J. Quadagno, “Framing Faith: Explaining Cooperation and Conflict in the U.S. Conservative Christian Political Movement,” Social Movement Studies 8, no. 4 (2009): 341–58; B. Roth, 2010. “Organizing one’s own” as good politics: Second wave feminists and constraints on coalition formation.’, in Strategic alliances: Coalition building and social movements, (eds) N. V. Dyke and H. J. McCammon (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010), pp. 99–118.19 R. H. Turner and L. M. Killian, Collective Behaviour (Englewood Cliffs, NJ; Prentice Hall, 1957); J. Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements: Critical Studies on Latin America. (London: Pluto Press, 1995); D. Snow, 2007. “Framing Process, Ideology and the Discursive Field,” in The Blackwell companion to social movements, (eds) D. A. Snow, S. A. Soule, and H. Kriesi (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007), pp. 380–412; Almeida, Social Movements.20 S. Staggenborg, “Research on Social Movement Coalitions,” in Strategic alliances: Coalition building and social movements, (eds) N. V. Dyke and H. J. McCammon (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010), pp. 316–29; Dyke and Amos, “Social movement coalitions,” pp. 1–17; A. L. Boden, 2019. “Interreligious organizing is messy.” The Immanent Frame, published on 10 October 2019, available at https://tif.ssrc.org/2019/10/10/interreligious-organizing-is-messy/21 T. D. Beamish, and A. J. Luebbers, “Alliance Building across Social Movements: Bridging Difference in a Peace and Justice Coalition,” Social Problems 56, no. 4 (2009): 647–76; S. Staggenborg, “Research on Social Movement Coalitions,” pp. 316–329; J. Haydu, 2012. “Frame brokerage in the Pure Food Movement, 1879–1906.” Social Movement Studies 11, no. 1 (2012): 97–112.22 S. Huntington, The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996).23 O. Roy, Secularism confronts Islam (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007); J. Schwedler, “Can Islamists become moderates? Rethinking the inclusion-moderation hypothesis.” World Politics 63, no. 2 (2011): 347–76.24 I. Ahmad, “Between moderation and radicalization: transnational interactions of Jamaat-e-Islami of India.” Global Networks 5, no. 1 (2005): 279–99.25 S. Amin, “Political Islam in the Service of Imperialism.” Analytical Monthly Review 5, no. 9 (2007): 1–19.26 Alam, “The Contemporary Muslim Situation in India.”27 R. Singh, Social Movements, Old and New: A Post-modernist critique (Delhi: SAGE, 2001); R. Kumar, “Globalization and Changing Patterns of Social Mobilization in Urban India.” Social Movement Studies 7, no. 1 (2008): 77–96; M. Murayama, “Competition and Framing in the Women’s Movement in India.” in Protest and Social Movements in the Developing World, (eds) S. Shigetomi and K. Makino (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2009); T. K. Oommen, Social Movements I: Issues of Identity (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010).28 N. Fazalbhoy, “Sociology of Muslims in India. A Review.” Economic and Political Weekly 32, no. 26 (1997): 1547–51; G. Shah, Social Movements in India: A Review of Literature (Delhi: SAGE, 2004); K. Visweswaran, Uncommon Cultures: Racism and the Reconstruction of Cultural Difference (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010).29 A. Chakrabarti, Faith and Social Movements: Religious Reform in Contemporary India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).30 T. B. Hansen, The Saffron Wave: democracy and Hindu nationalism in modern India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999); Human Rights Watch recently stated that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government “adopted laws and policies that discriminated against religious minorities, especially Muslims. This, coupled with vilification of Muslims by some BJP leaders and police failure to take action against BJP supporters who commit violence, emboldened Hindu nationalist groups to attack Muslims and government critics with impunity.” Human Rights Watch, World Report 2022: India, available at https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2022/country-chapters/india31 M. Islam, Limits of Islamism: Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh (Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2015)32 Almeida, Social Movements.33 D. L. Sheth, “Globalisation and New Politics of Micro-Movements.” Economic and Political Weekly 39, no. 1 (2004): 45–58.34 R. Bhargava, The Promise of India’s Secular Democracy (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010); V. Verma, Non-Discrimination and Equality: Contesting Boundaries of Social Justice in India (London: Routledge, 2012).35 A. Alam, “Political Management of Islamic fundamentalism, A view from India.” Ethnics, vol. 7, no. 1, 2007, pp. 30–60; Surinder S. Jodhka, “Perceptions and receptions: Sachar committee and the secular Left.” Economic and Political Weekly 42, no. 29 (2007): 2996–99; Alam, “The Contemporary Muslim Situation in India,” pp. 45–53; Ahmad, Islamism and Democracy in India; Abdelhalim, Indian Muslims and Citizenship.36 Since the early 1980s, Hindu-nationalist organizations have built a political movement around a united Hindu identity known as Hindutva and cross-caste solidarity through the “liberation” of Hindu temples and holy sites, such as in Ayodhya, where the Babri mosque was located. The mosque was destroyed on December 6, 1992, by Hindu-nationalist supporters, triggering nationwide riots that killed at least 2,000 people: T. B. Hansen, The Saffron Wave; S. Corbridge and J. Harriss, Reinventing India (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000).37 A. Emmerich, “Political education and legal pragmatism of Muslim organizations in India. A study of the changing nature of Muslim minority politics.” Asian Survey 59, no. 3 (2019): 451–73.38 Sheth, “Political communalization of religions and the crisis of secularism,” pp. 71–79; Santhosh and Paleri, “Ethnicization of religion in practice?;” Scholars stressed that the socio-economic deprivation of Indian Muslims has to be “de-clustered,” see V. Verma, Non-Discrimination and Equality, via a genuine discussion and empirical analysis of internal dynamics within the community, see V. Das, Critical Events (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995). The creation of the All-Indian Muslim Women Personal Law Board and the recommendation by the Ranganath Mishra Commission in 2007 to recognize the category of the “Dalit Muslim” or the Pasmanda (low-caste Muslim) movement in Bihar indicate the complexity and contestation of Muslim representation in contemporary India. Sikand has provided a detailed discussion on Dalit or low-caste Muslims and the internal dynamics within Muslim identity politics: Y. Sikand, Islam, Caste and Dalit-Muslim Relations in India (Delhi: Global Media Publications, 2004).39 Islam, Limits of Islamism.40 A. C. Niemeijer, The Khilafat Movement in India 1919–1924 (Leiden: Brill, 1972); E. Lerman, “Mawdudi’s Concept of Islam.” Middle Eastern Studies 17, no. 4 (1981): 492–509.41 Farooqui, “Political representation of a minority”42 G. Pandey, Hindus and Others: The Question of Identity in India Today (Delhi: Viking, 1993). Notable exceptions are two established Muslim regional parties, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) in Kerala and the Majlis e Ittehad ul Muslimeen (AIMI) in Hyderabad. However, both parties are by now perceived as part of the wider Muslim dilemma for being dynastic and clan-based elite parties, which failed to deliver sustained development in the context of an assertive Hindu nationalist movement.43 T. B. Hansen, “Predicaments of Secularism: Muslim Identities and Politics in Mumbai.” Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute 6, no. 1 (2000): 255–272; Jodhka, “Perceptions and receptions: Sachar committee and the secular Left,” pp. 2996–99.44 R. Bajpai and A. Farooqui, “Non-extremist Outbidding: Muslim Leadership in Majoritarian India,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 24, no. 3 (2018): 276–98.45 C. Jaffrelot, “Hindu Nationalism and Democracy.” in Democracy in India (ed) N. G. Jayal. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 207–25.46 H. Gorringe, “Which is Violence? Reflections on Collective Violence and Dalit Movements in South India.” Social Movement Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 117–36.47 M. T. Ansari, “Refiguring the Fanatic; Malabar 1836–1922.” in Muslims, Dalits and the Fabrications of History, (eds) S. Mayaram, M. S. S. Pandian, and A. Skaria, (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2005), pp. 36–77.48 Sardesai, “The religious divide”49 Kumar, “Globalization and Changing Patterns of Social Mobilization in Urban India,” pp. 77–96.50 T. K. Oommen, “State, Civil Society, and Market in India: The Context of Mobilization.” Mobilization 1, no. 2 (1996): 191–202.51 H. Veltmeyer, New social movements in Latin America: the dynamics of class and identity.’ Journal of Peasant Studies 25, no. 1 (1997): 139–69.52 N. Chandhoke, The Conceits of Civil Society. (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003).53 P. Bardhan, “The Political Economy of Reform in India.” in Democracy in India, (eds) N. J. Jayal, (Oxford University Press: Delhi, 2001), pp. 158–174. A. Gupta and N. Sudharsanan, “Large and Persistent Life Expectancy Disparities between India’s Social Groups.” Population and Development Review 48, no. 1 (2022): 863–882.54 P. Chatterjee, “Secularism and Tolerance.” in Secularism and Its Critics, (ed) R. Bhargava (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 365–79.55 Y. Sikand, “Islamist assertion in contemporary India: The case of the students Islamic movement of India.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 23, no. 2 (2003): 335–45.56 I. Ahmad, Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of the Jamaat-e-Islami. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009); C. Jaffrelot, “Reimaging the Moderation Thesis: Two Religious Parties and Indian Democracy: The Jana Sangh and the BJP between Hindutva Radicalism and Coalition Politics.” Democratization, vol. 20, no. 5, 2013, pp. 876–894.57 Ahmad, Islamism and Democracy in India, 212.58 For a comprehensive history of PFI’s origin in Kerala, and analysis of its regional predecessors, the National Development Front and the Karnataka Forum of Dignity, its relationship to JIH and the Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), see Emmerich, Islamic movements in India.59 Roy, Secularism confronts Islam.60 H. Iqtidar, “Secularism beyond the State: The ‘State’ and the ‘Market’ in Islamist Imagination.” in Islamic Reform in South Asia (eds) C. Osella and F. Osella, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 535–564; T. C. Sherman, Muslim Belonging in Secular India: Negotiating Citizenship in Postcolonial Hyderabad (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015); Islam, Limits of Islamism.61 Islam, Limits of Islamism.62 A. R. A. Hasan, “PFI – an Extremist Caucus” Radiance Viewsweekly. April 15, 2007, available at http://radianceweekly.in/portal/issue/prophet-muhammads-recipe-for-world-peace/article/pfi-an-extremist-caucus/63 Author interview, 15 September 2011, Delhi.64 Police and intelligence agencies monitored the PFI for its alleged involvement in political violence, and youth radicalization. Such charges are frequently denied, legally challenged, and rejected in press statements and public protests by PFI leaders: Emmerich, “Political education and legal pragmatism of Muslim organizations in India,” pp. 451–73.65 Osella and Osella, “Islamism and Social Reform in Kerala, South India;” Emmerich, Islamic movements in India.66 A. Varshney, “India’s Watershed Vote: Hindu Nationalism in Power?,” Journal of Democracy, vol. 25, no. 4, 2014, pp 34–45; Bajpai and Farooqui, “Non-extremist Outbidding.”67 Author interview, 12 January 2015, Delhi.68 Author interview, 16 January 2015, Delhi.69 S. Corbridge and J. Harriss, Reinventing India (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000); T. B. Hansen, The Saffron Wave.70 Z. Hasan, Congress after Indira: Policy, Power, Political Change (1984–2009) (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012); H. Kim, “Understanding Modi and minorities: The BJP-led NDA government in India and religious minorities,” India Review 16, no. 4 (2017): 357–76.71 Islam, Limits of Islamism.72 “Discussion paper on socio-political situations, presented at National General Assembly,” Popular Front of India, December 27–29, 2014.73 Abdelhalim, Indian Muslims and Citizenship.74 “Join Hands for Change, Presidential Speech by the PFI Chairman delivered at the Grand Public Meeting as part of the Empower India Conference at the Palace Ground,” Popular Front of India, February 17, 2007.75 Author interview, 25 December 2014, Bangalore.76 I. P. Singh, “Dalits, Muslims join Sikhs to mark Bluestar anniversary,” The Times of India, June 6, 2018, available at https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chandigarh/dalits-muslims-join-sikhs-to-mark-bluestar-anniv/articleshow/64470661.cms77 “Image, Education for Change,” Student Islamic Organisation, January – April 2009.78 “Kirk to work with Islamic Finance Council on ethical financial services,” Glasgow Churches Together, March 22, 2016, available at https://glasgowchurches.org.uk/kirk-to-work-with-islamic-finance-council-on-ethical-financial-services/79 M. Phel, 2015. “From Lawbreakers to Lawmakers: The Subnational Dimension of Political Malfeasance and the Criminalization of Indian Electoral Politics.” ASIEN: The German Journal on Contemporary Asia 137, no. 1 (2015): 18.80 Author interview with PFI State President of Karnataka, 30 September 2011, Bangalore.81 “Dalit-Muslim Dialogue to strengthen social alliance building efforts” The Siasat Daily, October 15, 2019, available at https://www.siasat.com/dalit-muslim-dialogue-strengthen-social-alliance-building-efforts-1693480/82 Author interview, 26 December 2014, Bangalore.83 S. Vatuk, “Islamic Feminism in India: Indian Muslim Women Activists and the Reform of Muslim Personal Law.” Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 1 (2008): 489–518; I. Ahmad, “Cracks in the ‘mightiest fortress:’ Jamaat-e-Islami’s changing discourse on women.” Modern Asian Studies 42, no.1 (2008): 549–575.84 Brysk, “Hearts and Minds,” p. 577.85 “Railing Against India’s Right-Wing Nationalism Was a Calling. It Was Also a Death Sentence,” New York Times, March 14, 2019, available at https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/14/magazine/gauri-lankesh-murder-journalist.html?action=click&module=Editors%20Picks&pgtype=Homepage86 “Film Festival Second Edition, Focus of the Year: Life under Surveillance,” Solidarity, May 4–6, 2014.87 Author interview, 12 January 2015, Delhi.88 W. A. Gamson, “Bystanders, Public Opinion and the Media.” in The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, (eds) D. A. Snow, S. A. Soule, and H. Kriesi (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007), pp. 242–61.89 Author interview, 6 January 2015, Cochin.90 “Protect and Promote Tipu’s Legacy: SDPI,” Karnataka Muslims, October 18, 2012.91 R. Khan, “Good Samaritans step in to help with Covid last rites,” The Times of India, 13 May 2021, available at https://m.timesofindia.com/city/goa/good-samaritans-step-in-to-help-with-covid-last-rites/articleshow/82589624.cms.92 C. Tilly, 1985. “War Making and State Making as Organised Crime.” in Bringing the State Back, (eds) P. B. Evans, D. Rueschemeyer and T. Skocpol (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 169–191.93 Author interview 28 November 2012, Mangalore.94 Author interview, 25 November 2012, Madikeri.95 Author interview with the Republican (Dalit) Party President, 1 January 2015, Bangalore.96 Author interview with SDPI District General Secretary, 29 December 2014, Malappuram.97 Author interview, 15 January 2015, Delhi.98 Ellingson, Woodley and Paik, “The structure of religious environmentalism,” pp. 266–85.99 Jaffrelot, “Hindu Nationalism and Democracy,” pp. 207–25.100 Verma and Gupta, “Facts and Fiction about How Muslims Vote,” p. 115.101 Author interview, 3 January 2015, Mangalore.102 Author interview, January 14, 2015, Delhi.103 Author interview, January 3, 2015, Mangalore.104 M. Sethi, Kafkaland, Prejudice, Law and Counterterrorism in India (Delhi: Three Essays Collective, 2014).105 Author interview, January 3, 2015, Mangalore.106 N. Farooquee, “The Seeker, Asaduddin Owaisi’s ambition to unite India’s fractured Muslim electorate,” The Caravan, September 01, 2016, available at https://caravanmagazine.in/reportage/the-seeker-asaduddin-owaisi-india-muslim-electorate107 Author interview, 8 January 2015.108 Author interview with Director of the Institute for Peace, September 1, 2011, Mangalore.109 Author interview, 30 November 2012, Mangalore.110 K. B. Nielsen, “In Search of Development: Muslims and Electoral Politics in an Indian State.” Forum for Development Studies 38, no. 3 (2011): 345–370.111 Sardesai, “The religious divide”112 Author interview, 15 September 2011, Delhi.113 Farooqui, “Political representation of a minority,” p. 17.114 I. Ahmad, Ritual and Religion among Muslims in India (Delhi: Manohar, 1984); Hilal Ahmed, “How to (not) Study Muslim Electoral Responses?” Studies in Indian Politics 3, no. 2 (2015): 299–304; Islam, Limits of Islamism.115 J. Levesque, “Rhetoric of political newness and Muslim politics.” Seminar, vol.1, no.758, 2022, pp. 42–45.116 Author interview, 7 November 2012, Delhi.117 B. Govind, “Taking on the high and mighty,” The Hindu, April 30, 2016, available at https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/kerala/taking-on-the-high-and-mighty/article8539517.ece118 Author interview, 5 January 2015, Calicut.119 Assadi, “Karnataka Elections,” pp. 4221–4228; Verma and Gupta, “Facts and Fiction about How Muslims Vote,” pp. 110–116.120 Kumar “Globalization and Changing Patterns of Social Mobilization in Urban India,” pp. 77–96.121 Sardesai, “The Religious Fault Line”122 Dyke, “Crossing Movement Boundaries,” pp. 226–50; Murphy, “Coalitions and the development of the global environmental movement,” pp. 235–250; Lichterman, Elusive togetherness.123 Author interview, 26 December 2014, Bangalore.124 “Defining Student Education and Life Itself,” Student Islamic Organisation, 2007, Bangalore; “Religion and Civilisation – With Reference to Decriminalising Homosexuality,” Radiance, September 20–26, 2009.125 Author interview, 28 December 2014, Calicut.126 A. L. Boden, “Interreligious organizing is messy.” The Immanent Frame. October 19, 2019, available at https://tif.ssrc.org/2019/10/10/interreligious-organizing-is-messy/127 R Santhosh and D. Paleri, “Crisis of Secularism and Changing Contours of Minority Politics in India: Lessons from the Analysis of a Muslim Political Organization.” Asian Survey, vol. 61, no. 6, 2021, pp. 999–1027.128 K. M. Guenther, “The Strength of Weak Coalitions: Transregional Feminist Coalitions in Eastern Germany.” in Strategic alliances: Coalition building and social movements, (eds) N. Van Dyke and H. J. McCammon, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010), pp. 119–142.129 Bajpai and Farooqui, “Non-extremist Outbidding;” Santhosh and Paleri, “Ethnicization of religion”130 S. Kappan, “New political outfits fail to unite,” Milli Gazette, 6 May, 2014, http://www.milligazette.com/news/10372-new-political-outfits-fail-to-unite; Apoorvanand, “Secular politics needs Gandhian courage,” Indian Express, 26 April, 2016, available at http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/muslim-in-india-muslim-population-akhlaq-ram-navami-2771775/131 R Santhosh and M. S. Visakh, “Muslim League in Kerala: Exploring the Question of ‘Being Secular.’” Economic and Political Weekly 55, no. 7 (2020): 50–57; S. S. Balan, “To be radical or moderate: The dilemma Kerala IUML faces,” News Minute, 3 January, 2022, available at https://www.thenewsminute.com/article/be-radical-or-moderate-dilemma-kerala-iuml-faces-159438132 A. Iyer, “PFI was born in the crucible of Kerala’s violent politics – but does that make it a terror threat?,” Scroll.in, 4 October 2022, available at https://scroll.in/article/1034154/pfi-was-born-in-the-crucible-of-keralas-violent-politics-but-does-that-make-it-a-terror-threat; Q&A: Understanding India’s crackdown on Muslim groups,” Al Jazeera, 19 October 2022, available at https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/10/19/qa-why-is-indias-government-banning-muslim-groups133 Emmerich, Islamic movements in India, pp, 129–130.134 “Constitution, Rules and Regulations,” Popular Front of India, February 2014, (not anymore) available at http://popularfrontindia.org/?q=content/constitution135 Ubair, “Indian Opposition Leaders Question Ban on PFI: They demand the Modi govt to present evidence” Two Circles, 30 September 2022, available at https://twocircles.net/2022sep30/447074.html; A. Raghunath, “IUML leader PMA Salam calls PFI ban ‘arbitrary, discriminatory,’” Deccan Herald, 30 September 2022, available at https://www.deccanherald.com/national/south/iuml-leader-pma-salam-calls-pfi-ban-arbitrary-discriminatory-1149835.html; “PFI ban: Congress cautious, some like Lalu call for ban on RSS,” Indian Express, 29 September 2022, available at https://indianexpress.com/article/india/after-pfi-ban-lalu-demands-ban-on-rss-cpm-says-it-is-not-enough-8177894/; PFI raids: Lawyer association alleges govt of weaponizing agencies,” New Indian Express, 26 September 2022, available athttps://www.newindianexpress.com/cities/bengaluru/2022/sep/26/pfi-raids-lawyer-association-alleges-govt-of-weaponising-agencies-2501893.html136 “Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, SIO oppose ban on Popular Front of India,” Maktoob Media, 28 September 2022, https://maktoobmedia.com/2022/09/28/jamaat-e-islami-hind-sio-oppose-ban-on-popular-front-of-india/Additional informationNotes on contributorsArndt EmmerichArndt Emmerich is a political sociologist at the Max Weber Institute of Sociology at Heidelberg University, Germany. His research explores the role of religion in democratic institutions, the governance of urban diversity, interfaith relations, and organisational changes within Muslim, diaspora, and migrant communities. His findings and commentaries have been published in academic journals such as Politics and Religion, Social Compass, Journal of Muslims in Europe, Entangled Religions, Journal of Ethnic and Migrations Studies, Asian Survey, and featured in the BBC, Al Jazeera, Deutsche Welle, Times of India, and the podcast, Religion Inside. He is the author of “Islamic movements in India: Moderation and its discontents” (Routledge, 2020)." @default.
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