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• W747850684 abstract "Temitope B. Oriola. 2013. Criminal Politics of Kidnapping Oil Workers. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing Limited. 243 pp. Organizationally, the text has a total of eight related chapters. However, the aim-findings nexus was established between chapters one and seven. centerpiece of the two chapters was the question of criminality or otherwise of kidnapping episodes carried out by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (hereafter MEND). In other words, is MEND a criminal social movement organization (SMO) or a repertoire of protest in the Niger Delta (hereafter ND)? Is it motivated by grievances or simply greed? According to Oriola, perceptions of the ND insurgency vary from community to community (p. 183). A community with a benevolent insurgent general considers the insurgency as a repertoire of protest to advance their interests, whereas communities without a benevolent insurgent general see the insurgency as outright criminality. Contrary to this assertion, inhabitants of the ND whether in communities with a benevolent insurgent commander or communities without a benevolent commander perceive the ND insurgency, especially the kidnap phase as a political protest, agitating for justice in the distribution of oil rents. Political kidnapping episodes are more of grievance motivated with exceptional cases (Chap. 3). More so, the question of one being benevolent or not depends on the internal makeup of a person. Again, a commander's benevolence to his community depends on his connections to the government house within a time period in any of the ND states. For example, in oil rich Bayelsa state, a then serving governor had cordial working relations with a number of insurgent commanders that lived in the Creek Haven, the state government house. Such commanders are more likely to be benevolent to their communities vis-a-vis those without such government house connections. Furthermore, reframing the title of the text to read, The Politics of Kidnapping Oil Workers: Criminal Resistance? elicits diverse interpretations. Conflict is inevitable where unevenness exists in the distribution of oil rents; whereas to others kidnapping oil workers for whatever cause is criminal. What is disheartening is the name associated with such violent groups in different places. Insurgency in the ND is often seen by the Nigerian state as criminal. But is it seen as a criminality among the people in the ND? Why the difference? Who does the naming? Oriola's work, a text on Social Movement Organization, is the first of its kind on the ND insurgency with MEND as its focus SMO, unravels this daunting question. Achieving social change as against elite hegemony is often a ruse unless there is power aggregation of different persons into organized groups. MEND emerged to champion the cause of the impoverished ordinary ND people through the kidnapping of oil workers as a repertoire of protest. Specifically, MEND demanded the convocation of a sovereign national conference, fiscal federalism, and protection of the ND ecosystem; demands, which earn MEND public sympathy in the ND. However, MEND's modus operandi mostly political kidnapping in achieving this goal is often the subject of sharp disagreement which oftentimes amounts to name calling as militants, pirates, insurgents, terrorists, etc. …" @default.
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• W747850684 date "2014-12-01" @default.
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• W747850684 title "Temitope B. Oriola. 2013. Criminal Resistance? the Politics of Kidnapping Oil Workers" @default.
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