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• W769796851 abstract "This study employs computer content analysis to investigate the issue emphasis of political campaign debates. Issue Ownership Theory (Petrocik, 1996) posits that each political party “owns” a set of issues, which means that a majority of the public believes that one party is better able to handle that issue than the other party. He predicts that political candidates will emphasize the issues owned by their own party. This study applies computer content analysis to 12 gubernatorial and 12 senatorial debates. The results confirm the predictions of issue ownership theory: Candidates discussed the issues owned by their political party more, and issues owned by the opposing party less, than their opponents. Most political communication research has focused on presidential campaigns, Gubernatorial and Senate Debates 129 particularly debates (books on presidential debates include Benoit et al., 2002; Benoit & Wells, 1996; Bishop, Meadow, & Jackson-Beeck, 1980; Bitzer & Rueter, 1980; Carlin & McKinney, 1994; Friedenberg, 1994, 1997; Hellweg, Pfau, & Brydon, 1992; Hinck, 1993; Jamieson & Birdsell, 1988; Kraus, 1962, 1979, 2000; Lanoue & Schrott, 1991; Martel, 1983; Schroeder, 2000; or Swerdlow, 1987) and television spots (books on television spots include Ansolabehere & Iyengar, 1995; Benoit, 1999; Biocca, 1991a, 1991b; Diamond & Bates, 1993; Jamieson, 1996; Johnson-Cartee & Copeland, 1991, 1997; Kaid & Johnston, 2001; Kaid, Nimmo, & Sanders, 1986; Kern, 1989; Patterson & McClure, 1976; Schultz, 2004; Thurber, Nelson, Dulio, 2000; or West, 2001). Some scholars have begun to investigate non-presidential campaigns (e.g., Herrnson, 1998; Jacobson, 2001; Kahn & Kenney, 1999). However, non-presidential debates are at this point relatively unexplored territory. This study contributes to our understanding of the content of these message forms. Non-presidential debates are becoming increasingly common as candidates for the U.S. Senate and for state governors (and other offices as well) use this message form to communicate with voters. Almost twenty years ago Ornstein (1987) noted that “These days debates are the norm, not the exception, in congressional, mayoral, and gubernatorial politics” (p. 58). The visibility of these debates has also increased due to the national attention they received from CSPAN, which televised over 100 of these campaign messages in 2002 and 2004. Although the fact that debates are almost always organized around questions means that one can argue that political debates have more in common with press conferences than academic debate (Auer, 1962; Jamieson & Birdsell, 1988; Zarefsky, 1992), there can be no doubt that these message forms have important advantages. First, debates feature the leading candidates discussing many of the same topics simultaneously, which helps voters choose between those contenders. Second, most debates are 60 to 90 minutes in length (although some are 30 minutes long) providing voters an extended opportunity to learn about the candidates, particularly compared with television spots. The fact that notes are forbidden, along with the fact that candidates may encounter an unanticipated question or remark from an opponent, could mean that despite preparation for these events debates may provide a more candid view of the candidates. Fourth, the direct confrontation provides candidates with an opportunity to correct misstatements or mischaracterizations, intentional or unintentional, from opponents. Such clash may give voters a deeper understanding of the issue at hand. Another advantage of presidential debates is the huge audience: Tens of millions of voters tune in (unfortunately, we do not know the typical audience for non-presidential debates). Ornstein observed that “The impact of debates is heightened because they are frequently televised on both commercial and public channels. . . Nearly 50% of the stations actually aired political debates” (p. 58). Finally, research establishes that presidential debates have important effects on voters, creating issue knowledge, influencing perceptions of the candidates’ character, and at times altering vote choice (Benoit, Hansen, & Verser, 2003). No reason exists to doubt that non-presidential debates would influence viewers. Clearly, political debates merit scholarly attention. Unfortunately, scholars have tended to neglect non-presidential debates. Only a handful of studies have investigated non-presidential debates. Ornstein (1987) offers a conceptual discussion of debates rather than a study of debate content or effects. Lichtenstein (1982) found that interest and viewership for presidential debates were higher than for non-presidential debates in 1980. However, he noted that “local debates were perceived as considerably more informative and influential to the viewers than the presidential debates” (p. 294). Pfau (1983) addressed 130 William L. Benoit, David Airne & LeAnn Brazeal format in debates. None of this work has investigated factors which may influence the emphasis of issues addressed by non-presidential debate candidates. Petrocik’s (1986, 2004) theory of issue ownership will guide this analysis. Theoretical Underpinning Petrocik (1996) observed that over time, each political party has gradually developed a reputation for being better able to deal with a select group of issues. Most voters, for example, express the belief that Democrats are better able to deal with education than Republicans; in contrast, most people think that Republicans can better handle foreign policy and war than Democrats. For example, Table 1 reveals that in 2002 Republicans were viewed by the public as better able to handle terrorism and crime, whereas Democrats were thought to be better able to deal with Social Security and health care. Table 1 Which Political Party Do You Trust to Do a Better Job Handling this Issue? Democratic Republican" @default.
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• W769796851 date "2011-01-01" @default.
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• W769796851 title "Determinants of Issue Emphasis in Gubernatorial and Senate Debates" @default.
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