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• W781271864 abstract "UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2011) Markedness, Faithfulness, and the Typology of Two-Height Tone Systems Larry M. Hyman University of California, Berkeley Presented at the conference “Phonology in the 21 st Century: in Honour of Glyne Piggott” McGill University, Montreal, May 7-9, 2011 - To Appear in McGill Working Papers in Linguistics S UMMARY In this paper, I explore the possibility of typologizing two-height tone systems based on markedness. Drawing from a current database of 650 tone systems (of which over 400 are two- height), I will first confirm that two-height systems may be “equipollent” /H, L/, “privative” /H/ or /L/ vs. O — or both, /H, L/ vs. O. I demonstrate that “markedness as faithfulness” (Pulleyblank 2004) and “faithfulness to the marked” (de Lacy 2002b, 2006) establish that H or L can be “marked” in both privative AND equipollent two-height tone systems. Tonal evidence presented from the Tibeto-Burman languages Kuki-Thaadow and Hakha Lai thus complements recent proposals of language- specific markedness in segmental phonology (Hume 2003, Rice 2007). However, I show that these criteria for markedness do not necessarily line up, with Haspelmath’s (2006:64-5) 12 senses of the term “markedness”, specifically “markedness as complexity”. I conclude that typology should not be guided by markedness, rather by phonological representation and activation (Clements 2001, 2003): Which tone is activated (H, L, both), where in the phonology, and how? R ESUME Dans cet article j’explore la possibilite d’etablir une typologie des systemes tonals a deux niveaux de hauteur, fondee sur la notion de markedness. A partir d’une banque de donnees comprenant 650 systemes tonals (dont plus de 400 sont a deux niveaux), je confirme premierement que les systemes a deux hauteurs tonales peuvent etre soit “equipollents” /H, B/, soit “privatifs” /H/ ou /B/ vs. O — soit les deux, /H, B/ vs. O. Je demontre egalement, en m’appuyant sur les criteres “Markedness as faithfulness” (Pulleyblank 2004) et “Faithfulness to the marked” (de Lacy 2002b, 2006) qu’un ton H ou un ton B peut etre marque dans les systemes privatifs aussi bien qu’equipollents. Les arguments presentes, empruntes a deux langues tibeto-birmanes, le kuki-thaadow et le hakha lai, viennent ainsi completer les recentes propositions selon lesquelles en phonologie segmentale les traits marques sont specifiques a chaque langue (Hume 2003, Rice 2007). Je montre cependant que ces criteres de markedness ne correspondent pas necessairement aux douze sens donnes par Haspelmath a la notion de markedness, en particulier ce qu’il nomme “markedness as complexity”. Ma proposition est donc que la typologie ne devrait pas etre guidee par la notion de markedness, mais plutot par la representation et l’activation phonologiques (Clements 2001, 2003) : quel ton est active (H, B, les deux), ou dans la phonologie de la langue, et comment ? I favour the framework which assumes that Universal Grammar (UG) provides a set of general principles that are respected across all languages but underdetermine the phonological systems of particular languages. Specific grammars result from the incorporation of these principles and the selection of certain options (the parameters of variation) that are also made available by UG. (Piggott 1999:179) I NTRODUCTION Much of the previous work on the typology of tone systems has focused on defining what a tone system is (Pike 1948, Welmers 1959, 1973) and in contrasting tone vs. “pitch-accent” systems (McCawley 1970, 1978, Hyman 1977, 2006, 2009, Beckman 1986, van der Hulst & Smith 1988, Gussenhoven 2004, 2006, etc.). Attempts to typologize properties which distinguish “true” tone systems from each other have been based on several considerations: a. (relatively surface) contrasts, e.g. the number of tone heights, the presence vs. absence of contours, tonal downstep, phonations (Maddieson 1978, 2005)" @default.
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• W781271864 title "Markedness, Faithfulness, and the Typology of Two-height Tone Systems" @default.
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