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• W82330217 abstract "OZET Turk basinindaki ilk mesleki orgutlenme Turk Basin Birligi catisi altinda olmustur. 1908 Yilinda Cemiyet-i Matbuat-i Osmaniye adi altinda baslayan girisim, 1917 yilinda Osmanli Matbuat Cemiyeti adi altinda resmiyet kazanmis ve 30 yillik bir surec icinde farkli isimler altinda varligini surdurmustur. 1908 yilinda hurriyetin ilaninin ardindan gecen 9 aylik fiili iktidarsizlik doneminde cemiyet, yari resmi bir kimlikle faaliyet gosterse de 1909 Matbuat Kanunu’nun ilan edilmesinin ardindan etkisini yitirmistir. Itthat ve Terakki Hukumeti’nin orgutlu bir basin istememesi nedeniyle cemiyet, resmen hayata gecirilememistir. 1917 Yilinda Almanya’nin daveti uzerine, Ittihat ve Terakki iktidarinin talebiyle resmi bir kurulus haline gelen cemiyet, iktidarla iliskilerini hep belli bir duzeyde tutmaya azami ozen gostermistir. Ancak kurulusunda ya da sonrasinda, ne basin ozgurlugunun saglanmasi ne de ifade ozgurlugunun korunmasi, cemiyetin birinci onceligi olmamistir. Cemiyetin yapisi, yonetim organlari, iktidari elinde tutan Ittihat ve Terakki’nin yapisi ile ortusmektedir. 1919 Yilinda Izmir’in isgalinin ardindan Milli Mucadele’ye destek verse de, cemiyette temsil edilen gazetelerin tum iktidar kesimlerine karsi belli bir mesafeyi koruyarak varligini surdurmeye calistigi gorulmektedir. Bir yandan Ankara hukumetine ne yapmalari gerektigi konusunda talimat beklediklerini bildiren cemiyet, bir yandan da Istanbul’da sarayi ve isgal yonetimini kizdirmamaya gayret etmistir. Milli Mucedele’nin surdugu donemde, ismini Turk Matbuat Cemiyeti olarak degistirmesi ve cemiyetin yonetim organlarina secilmek icin Turk olma sartinin getirilmesi gibi yonetmelik degisiklikleri, siyasal iktidari eline gecirmeye baslayan Ankara’ya yakinlasma cabalarinin bir urunudur. Ankara’da bir baska matbuat cemiyetinin kurulmasi girisiminde ise Istanbul Matbuat Cemiyeti ismini almistir. Bu donemde yapilan yonetmelik degisiklikleri ise profesyonellesmeye yoneliktir. Cemiyet, bu tutumu ile Istanbul basininin daha profesyonel oldugunu vurgulamak, yekpare bir guc haline geldigini gostermek istemektedir. Bundaki amac ise kendisini disladigini hissettigi iktidara yaklasmaktir. Kemalist rejimin yukselmeye basladigi donemde ise bu tutum degismemistir. Iktidardan gelen hicbir talebi geri cevirmeyen cemiyet, siyasal degisimlere paralel olarak hem isim degistirmis, hem de faaliyet alanini daraltmistir. Orgutlenmenin, siyasl degisimlere paralel olarak yapisini uyarlamasi bile basin-iktidar iliskileri acisindan “marazi” durumun varligina isaret etmektedir. Kemalist rejimle uzlasma cabalari sonucsuz kaldiginda ise iktidar talebi ile ortaya cikan diger siyasal guclerin yaninda yer almis ve gucunu bu kesimlerin emrine vermistir. Cemiyetin onde gelen isimlerinin hilafetin yaninda bur tutum sergilemeleri ve daha sonrasinda da Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Firkasi’ni desteklemeleri bu tutumun bir urunudur. Bu donemde ifade ozgurlugune yonelik talepleri ise cemiyetin daha cok kendisini dislayan iktidara karsi diger siyasi odaga yaslanmak istemesiyle ilgilidir. Siyasal iktidar talebi ile ortaya cikan bu yeni gruba baglilasmasinin ifade ozgurlugu taleplerinin temeli olarak gorunmektedir. Kemalist rejimin siyasal iktidari tam olarak eline almasi ve tek parti yonetiminin kurulmasinin ardindan da cemiyet tam olarak iktidarin kontrolune girmistir. Iktidarin dolayli taleplerini bile kavrama becerisi sergileyen cemiyet, iktidarin mesleki orgutlenmenin yapisini degistirmeye karar verdiginde ise ulke capindaki temsilci konumunu biraktigi ve yeni kurulan orgutlenmenin Istanbul ayagi olmayi kabul ettigi gorulmektedir. Cemiyetin tarihsel surec icinde takindigi tutum, bu tarz bir orgutlenmenin daha ilk ortaya ciktigi andan itibaren amacinin sorgulanmasini gerektirmektedir. Elestirel kuram isiginda yapilan bu sorgulama ise bizleri su sonuca goturmektedir: Cemiyetin tarihsel surec icinde hep iktidara eklemlenerek varligini surdurme gayreti icinde oldugu gorulmektedir. Bu da orgutlenmenin, kurulus amacinin, basinin varlik nedeni olan bagimsizligi korumak amaciyla degil, iktidara eklemlenmek oldugunu gostermektedir. ABSTRACT Professional organization in Turkish press took place under Turkish Press Union. The initiative which had started under the title of “The Ottoman Union of Press” in 1908 was formalized under the Ottoman Press Union in 1917, and continued to operate under various titles for a period of 30 years. Although the union had operated as a semi-formal entity during the 9-month de facto no-government period following declaration of freedom in 1908, the union lost its effect pursuant to adoption of the Press Code in 1909. The union could not gain a formal entity due to the fact that the CUP Government did not want to have an organized press in the country. The Union, which was translated into a formal institution upon the demand of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) after the members of the Union were invited to Germany for a study visit in 1917, always exerted utmost effort to keep their relations with the government on a given level. However, it was never a priority for the Union to have freedom of press or freedom of expression in the country during its establishment or after it became operational. The structure and executive organs of the union were in conformity with the structure of the CUP Government. Although the Union gave support to the National Struggle after the occupation of Izmir in 1919, it can be seen that the owners or editors-in-chief of the newspapers represented in the Union attempted to survive, or in other words to buy time to see the picture more clearly, by keeping a given distance to all government segments. The Union had, on one hand, informed the Ankara Government of the fact that they were waiting for instructions from Ankara, and they also paid efforts not to infuriate the Palace and the Occupation Government in Istanbul on the other hand. Amendments to its by-law such as changing its name into Turkish Press Union and laying down being Turkish as a condition to be a member of the Union are outcomes of the efforts of the Union to approach the Ankara Government, which seemed to be gaining the political power vis-a-vis the Istanbul Government, during the National Struggle. It further changed its name into Istanbul Press Union as there was another initiative to establish a separate press union in Ankara. In doing thus, the Union attempted to emphasize that the Istanbul press was more professional as a united power. And the objective here was to show itself to the government isolating them. This attitude also remained intact in the emergence era of the Kemalist regime. Having not rejected any demand of Ankara Government, the Union not only changed its name but also restricted its area of operation in line with the political changes. Restructuring of the organization in line with political developments and changes, points to a “pathological” situation in terms of press-government relations. When it failed to reconcile with the government, the Union started to support other political powers claiming for government and catered its influence to the service of such powers, which can be illustrated with the caliphate-supporting position of the leading figures of the Union and later ranging themselves on the side of the Progressive Republican Party. The demands of freedom of expression by the Union in this period can be attributed to the position of the Union on the side of the opposition parties against the government. It seems that the freedom of expression demands of the Union was heavily found its base on their affiliation to the new political group claiming for government. As the Kemalist regime fully took the government and established a single-party administration, the Union went completely under control of the government. The Union, which displayed the skill to comprehend even the implicit demands of the Government, also voluntarily stripped off its position of representation countrywide and agreed to become the Istanbul branch of a newly-structured organization when the government decided to change the structure of the professional press organization in Turkey. The position taken by the Union throughout the historical process urges us to question the objective of such an organization ab inito. Such a questioning in the light of the critical theory leads us to the following: it is seen that the Union has always been in pursuit of patching itself to the government to survive and the organization was established not in order to preserve the independence of press, which is the raison d’etre for press, but to survive its existence by patching itself to the government." @default.
• W82330217 created "2016-06-24" @default.
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• W82330217 date "2011-01-01" @default.
• W82330217 modified "2023-09-23" @default.
• W82330217 title "Türkiye’de gazetecilik mesleğine ilişkin örgütlenmeler : 1908-1938" @default.
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