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• W831281140 abstract "AMERICA'S UNWRITTEN CONSTITUTION: THE PRECEDENTS AND PRINCIPLES WE LIVE BY. By Akhil Reed Amar. New York, New York: Basic Books, 2012. 615 pages. $29.99.FRAMED: AMERICA'S 51 CONSTITUTIONS AND THE CRISIS OF GOVERNANCE. By Sanford Levinson. New York, New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. 448 pages. $29.95.I. Dear Akhil,It is certainly not surprising that America's Unwritten Constitution is remarkably stimulating, informative, and challenging. You are surely correct that one cannot possibly understand American constitutional system simply by reading text of Constitution (or, for that matter, reading decisions of judiciary ostensibly interpreting text). Instead, one must not only look at long-established American practices but also at social movements and transcendent moments in American history-the Gettysburg Address and Martin Luther King's Dream speech are two that you emphasize1-that have provided rationales for how we understand those practices (and, on occasion, become willing to transform them). Your Constitution is necessarily a living for American people, as active agents of their own constitutional destinies, are constantly debating one another about what constitutes its deep meanings; they constantly create new movements, which in turn generate new political leaders committed to particular understandings. This is one way of understanding not only civil rights movement that is so important to both of us, but also Tea Party, which cannot be understood without paying careful attention to its narratives of Constitution and calls both for fidelity to its ostensible norms and for amendments, such as repeal of Seventeenth Amendment,2 that would return Constitution to its intended-and they argue better- embrace of a far stronger form of federalism than we in fact have today.It is also not surprising that we continue to have some quite fundamental disagreements, whatever our personal closeness. Each of us recognizes in his respective acknowledgments importance of our relationship over what is now more than a quarter century,3 which includes for last decade our service as co-editors of a casebook in constitutional law, Processes of Constitutional Decisionmaking.4 But that does not mean, of course, that we have become clones of one another. We met initially when you came to Austin for a symposium on Philip Bobbitt's then recently published Constitutional Fate,5 and we bonded during course of what turned out to be (at least) a two-hour visit to monument to Confederate war dead in front of Texas State Capitol. As noted in our casebook, that monument presents what might be described as standard Southern view of War:DIED FOR STATE RIGHTS GUARANTEED UNDER THE CONSTITUTION.THE PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH, ANIMATED BY THE SPIRIT OF 1776, TO PRESERVE THEIR RIGHTS, WITHDREW FROM THE FEDERAL COMPACT IN 1861. THE NORTH RESORTED TO COERCION. THE SOUTH, AGAINST OVERWHELMING NUMBERS AND RESOURCES, FOUGHT UNTIL EXHAUSTED.6We debated at length whether this is a interpretation of War in relation to Constitution, which is a very different question from whether it is best interpretation. Your view, I think it is safe to say, is that this does not rise to level of a interpretation-that it would deserve an F if submitted on a final examination. My view was that it is, for better or worse, a possible view, because 1787 Constitution, correctly interpreted, is ambiguous (or, in language of 1980s, when we first met, indeterminate). In interim, neither of us has changed our fundamental view.Thus I was startled (though I should not have been surprised) to see your declaration that the original Constitution emphatically denied state authority to unilaterally secede.7 As many times as I have read Constitution, I quite literally don't see this emphatic[] deni[al]. …" @default.
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• W831281140 title "What Do We Talk about When We Talk about the Constitution" @default.
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