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• W844443340 abstract "INTRODUCTIONOne need not read The Fallacies of States' Rights and The Upside-Down Constitution1 in their entirety or with any great attention perceive the gulf that separates the authors' views on constitutional theory and federalism. Professor Sotirios Barber thinks in terms of constitutional aspirations, derived from the Constitution's capacious Preamble.2 I am more concerned with who can do what whom under the Constitution's operative provisions, and skeptical of Marxist-Brennanist theorizing that mows down the legal text and structure.3 Professor Barber champions a positive which holds that constitution makers establish governments chiefly do good things for people4 - in contradistinction a of rights and institutions, which seeks restrain government and which is the province of nihilists, nitwits, and intellectual thugs.5 I believe that empowering and limiting purposes and mechanisms go hand-in-hand in a limited Constitution; that Madison et al. sort of got that; and that a constitutional theory that starts with an exuberant commitment to do good things for people - qualified by a grudging concession some functions6 - is better suited an autocracy than America. Professor Barber envisions a Constitution of leaders and a benighted mass of followers;7 I suspect that Americans are more comfortable in thinking of themselves as citizens and of politicians as their agents, and that the Constitution enshrines that model. Professor Barber hankers for (though he despairs of) a politics of secular public reasonableness;8 my mind, what he advocates is the dictatorship of relativism.9 I am concerned about a politics that, in do[ing] good things for people, has left the nation's finances in ruins and future generations deep in debt. The Upside-Down Constitution engages the federalism aspects of that problem;10 Fallacies ignores it.Short of someone rising from the dead, there is no bridging this chasm. The more limited subject of this Essay is the constitutional structure of American federalism and, more briefly, its present state and utility. While that is also the ostensible ground of Fallacies, the book operates at too high a level of abstraction have much useful say on those subjects. What little it does have say is mostly wrong.I. OF MARSHALL AND M'CULLOCHProfessor Barber distinguishes three forms of federalism. He makes a first- order distinction between rights or dual which insists on separate, judicially cognizable federal and state spheres; and federalism, which rejects the two-spheres model.11 He then makes a second- order distinction between two forms of nationalist federalism: which Professor Barber invents and propounds; and which he rejects.12 The two hang together in their rejection of any enforceable states' right protect enclaves of power.13 They differ in that Marshallian federalism propounds substantive national ends, whereas process federalism seeks deny them.14 The foundational decision for Professor Barber's Marshallian federalism is M'Culloch v. Maryland15 - or rather, a highly idiosyncratic version of that celebrated opinion.In Professor Barber's view, M'Culloch stands for a positive, ends- oriented, instrumentalist constitutionalism, as distinct from a negative constitutionalism of institutions and rights.16 Let the end be legitimate, Chief Justice Marshall famously wrote, let it be within the scope of the constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the constitution, are constitutional.17 The ends, Professor Barber says, we get from the Constitution's Preamble, at least as a first approximation.18 They are limited in number but very broad: the general welfare, justice, and the common defense. …" @default.
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• W844443340 date "2014-07-01" @default.
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• W844443340 title "Fallacies of Fallacies" @default.
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