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• W852655120 abstract "Eight subjects were observed during classroom activity to determine the context of their behavior. Four subjects were internalizers and the other four were externalizers. Subjects were observed at an inpatient psychiatric facility for children. It was hypothesized that externalizers would exhibit more off-task behaviors and internalizers would engage in solitary play more 2 often. Results showed trends which supported the hypotheses. Implications of medication effects, as well as further research using a more molecular coding scheme were discussed. Classroom Observation Classroom Observation of School-Age ADDH Conduct Disorder, and Depressed Children The study of peer relationships and skills in childhood is an of ten investigated area of developmental psychology (Rubin & Ross, 1982). Recent research has shown that peer relations contribute to the development 3 of competencies in children (Dodge, Petit, McClaskey, Brown, 1986). Furthermore, capacities to create and maintain mutually regulated relations with others, to achieve effective modes of emotional expression, and to engage in accurate social-reality testing, derive from interactions with other children (Hartup, 1983). The importance of research on peer relations is evident, considering that peer relations affect the course of socialization as profoundly as any events in which children participate (Hartup, 1978). The peer system offers the child the opportunity to interact with persons of relatively equal abilities. Mutual influence should occur more readily between persons who are relatively more equal in their power relations. In addition, these interactions provide many Classroom Observation opportunities for acts of altruism that differ in frequency from those with adults (Zahn-Waxler et al., 1982). Physical aggression or rough and tumble play, which typify peer interactions, has been found to be a necessary component of the socialization process. It gives the child occasions that are not typical of the adult-child relationship. For example, the likelihood that the child will show hurt and distress is increased (ZahnWaxler et al., 1982). This provides unique occasions for potential acts of altruism, reparative behavior, or acts of compassion. Furthermore, through participation in this play activity, peers can potentially function as models, teachers, reinforcers, and punishers, and hence serve as socializers of altruism (Zahn-Waxler et al., 1982). Investigators further suggest that peer relations contribute to the emergence of social intelligence. Children who are able to switch roles with others, are more socially active than children who switch roles less frequently, and are more competent in exchanges with other children (Gottman, Gonso, & Rasmussen, 1975). In addition, evidence indicates that peer interaction and 4 Classroom Observation moral development are also linked, which is consistent with the hypothesis that opportunities for exhange among co-equals contribute constructively to changes in the structure of moral thought (Hartup, 1978). Not only are peer relations crucial to the development of a child, but long-term longitudinal investigations demonstrate that peer relations in childhood are prognistic indicators of conduct in adolescence and adulthood. In a study by Roff and his colleagues (Roff et al., 1972), they found that among upper lower-class and middle-class boys, delinquency rates were higher among children who were not accepted by their peers than among those who were. Roff (1963) further examined this correlation in his study of adult males who had been seen in child9uidance clinics. He found that poor peer relations 5 were predictive of adult neurotic and psychotic disturbances. Furthermore, Cowen and his colleagues (1973) showed that poor peer adjustment in the third grade was an excellent predictor of emotional difficulties in early adulthood. These two studies exhibited that ratings of peer acceptance in childhood are predictive of later mental health Classroom Observation status. Since peer interaction and peer acceptance are sensitive measures of later adjustment, it should be of critical importance for researchers to investigate further the correlates of peer relations. Additionally, examination of school-age children, may begin to decrease the role that deviant cognition plays in the development of psychopathology (Campbell & Paulauskas, 1979). The importance of peer relations and friendships for children~s socialization and development would appear to have particular implications for children with behavioral disturbances. The most prominent among these youngsters are children with ADDH (Attention Deficit Disorder with Hyperactivity). Although ADDH children are the largest category of child psychological referrals to mental health agencies, pediatricians, and school psychologists (Ross & Ross, 1976) making up 3 to 5 percent of the elementary-aged population, little observation has been done on these children with their peers or friends. Research using parent and teacher ratings to assess ADDH children has been shown to have many flaws. Specifically, Rapoport and Benoit (1975) found that 6 Classroom Observation teacher ratings, but not parental ratings, correlate significantly with actual clinic and home observations of behavior. The lack of parent rating correspondence with other ratings may be due to the necessity that rating a child/s behavior requires data collection across many settings and events. Parents may not be skilled encough to collect data across all these contexts (Zentall, 1983). Although Campbell and her colleagues (1978) found that maternal reports of activity level at 4 1/2 years predicted ratings at 6 1/2 years, they found that these reports did not necessarily coincide with actual behavior at school. Boys rated most troublesome at home were not necessarily the most troublesome at school. Campbell and her colleagues (1979) in a later study, reported that teachers reported that hyperactive children had significantly more peer problems than their matched controls. Furthermore, Patterson (1977) found that parent ratings, structured personality inventories, and child self-report scales did not yield the kinds of specific behavioral information needed to change behavior. In addition, parents tend to underestimate rates of 7 Classroom Observation deviant child behavior in general, and to overestimate improvement in these behaviors (Clement, & Milne, 1967). Klein and her colleague (Klein & Young, 1979) found that hyperactive boys were perceived more negatively by their peers. In addition, they were nominated and had higher rankings in their class as children who were chosen for more negative roles than active boys. Furthermore, the hyperactive boys were chosen less often for the role of a true friend. In a later study by Pelham and Bender (1980), they found that 96% of the hyperactive sample obtained negative nominations above their classroom means, and 74% of them obtained positive nominations below their classroom means. Furthermore, results on the Pupil Evaluation Inventory led them to conclude that hyperactive children have problems which go beyond the child's difficulty tolerating the structure of a school setting and beyond parent and teacher intolerance. In a Fels longitudinal study, boys aged 6-10 were observed and found to attempt domination of peers and also to seek attention from their peers. Furthermore, the hyperactive boys initiated physical aggression to their 8 Classroom Observation same sex peers. Females continued to approach and participate in situations, showed significantly more frequent efforts to dominate their peers (Battle, & Lacey, 1979). Pelham and Bender (1980) observed children in a non-structured environment without the mother present and found that in the absence of an adult in a nonclassroom setting, hyperactive children engaged in a variety of negative interpersonal behaviors toward their peers. Further, these behaviors resulted in extreme ratings of dislike from peers even after only two brief play sessions, suggesting that the hyperactive children made a negative impression on other children very quickly (Pelham, & Bender, 1980). It is clear from current research that hyperactive children have problems in their peer relationships. Treatment for hyperactivity in the form of psychostimulant medication, has been examined over the last fifteen years (Pelham et al., 1980). Recently, the effects of these medications on peer relationships has been examined. Over half a million children are currently receiving psychostimulant medication as a treatment for hyperactivity 9 Classroom Observation (Spra9ue & Sleator, 1976). The dru9s most commonly used are methylphenidate, pemonline, and dextroamphetamine (Pelham et al., 1980). The ne9ative behaviors which are rated by adults as improved with pharmacotherapy may be relevant to peer interactions or peer perceptions (Pelham et al., 1980). For example, Pelham and Bender suggest that if an adequate attention span or impulse control is important in interactions such as 9ames or conversations, then it is plausible that psychostimulants may also improve peer relationships. Yet Whalen and her collea9ues (1979) reported that while medication improved performance of hyperactive children in a structured communication task, it increased ne9ative affect and decreased positive affect as measured by self-statements. Furthermore, similar effects were found by Rie and his associates (Rie, Rie, Stewert, & Ambuel, 1976) in two studies which found a trend for less socially acceptable behavior on a classroom socio9ram. In addition, followup studies by Riddle and Rapoport (1976) have revealed that hyperactives treated with methylphenidate for two years continue to exhibit serious problems in peer relationships as rated by teachers. 10 Classroom Observation" @default.
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• W852655120 title "Classroom observation of school-age ADDH, conduct disorder, and depressed children" @default.
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