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• W85408345 abstract "Overall arrests for technology‐facilitated child sexual exploita‐ tion crimes did not continue to increase from 2006 to 2009 as they had earlier in the decade. However, arrests for child por‐ nography possession increased by about 50% from 2006 to 2009. In addition, arrests for technology‐facilitated sex crimes with identified victims doubled, but the increase was in cases where offenders knew their victims in person, not cases in which they met online. Arrests of offenders who solicited undercover police posing as minors declined between 2006 and 2009, after rising earlier in the decade. The decline may be because of shifts in law enforcement strategies that included more focus on child pornography offenses. This bulletin reports on trends in arrests of individuals who committed technology‐facilitated child sexual exploitation crimes in the US. These include sex offenders who used the Internet to meet victims or to facilitate the abuse of children who were family members or face‐to‐face acquaintances, who solicited sex from undercover investigators posing online as minors or who used the Internet to download child pornogra‐ phy. The data come from 3 waves of the National Juvenile Online Victimization (NJOV) Study that examined arrests in 2000, 2006 and 2009. See the end of this report for a descrip‐ tion of the methodology of the NJOV Study. April 2012 Trends in Law Enforcement Responses to Technology‐facilitated Child Sexual Exploitation Crimes: The Third National Juvenile Online Victimization Study (NJOV‐3) Janis Wolak, David Finkelhor & Kimberly J. Mitchell Arrests for technology‐facilitated child sexual ex‐ ploitation crimes increased substantially be‐ tween 2000 and 2009. In 2009, US law enforcement agencies made an estimated 8,144 arrests for technology‐facilitated child sexual exploita‐ tion crimes, more than 3 times as many as in 2000 (Figure 1). However, the largest increase in numbers of arrests happened between 2000 and 2006 when the number of arrests almost tripled. Figure 1. Estimated number of arrests for technology‐ facilitated child sexual exploitation crimes, by year While the estimate for arrests in 2009 appears higher, we can‐ not be sure there was actually an increase in arrests in 2009 compared to 2006. Our survey of law enforcement agencies has a margin of error, also known as a “95% confidence inter‐ val.” This confidence interval shows the range of possible num‐ bers within which the true number of arrests is likely to fall in 95 out of 100 attempts to estimate it with a sample of the size we used. Our estimate of arrests in 2006 is 7,010 with possible estimates ranging between 6,188 and 7,832 (see Table 1). The estimate for 2009 is 8,144 with a range of between 7,440 and 8,849. These ranges overlap, which indicates that the esti‐ mated number of arrests in 2009 could be similar to the num‐ ber in 2006. In other words, 2009 arrests did not increase sig‐ nificantly in comparison to those in 2006. Table 1. Estimated total arrests for technology‐facilitated child sexual exploitation crimes by year Arrests 2000 Arrests 2006 Arrests 2009 Estimated number 95% Confidence Interval 2,577 2,277— 2,877 7,010 6,188— 7,832 8,144 7,440— 8,849 2,577 7,010 8,144 0 1,000 2,000 3,000 4,000 5,000 6,000 7,000 8,000 9,000 Arrests 2000 Arrests 2006 Arrests 2009 T rends i n Law En fo r cement Responses Page 2 Arrests increased for crimes with identified vic‐ tims, declined for solicitations to undercover in‐ vestigators and increased for downloading child pornography. Sex crimes with identified victims Arrests for crimes with identified victims increased substan‐ tially. (“Identified victims” are directly victimized by offend‐ ers and identified by police during the investigation.) These arrests grew by one‐third between 2000 and 2006 and then doubled between 2006 and 2009 (Figure 2). However, arrests of sex offenders who used the Internet to meet victims – so‐called “online predators” – accounted for little of this increase. Rather, most of the increase was of of‐ fenders who used technology to facilitate sex crimes against victims they already knew face‐to‐face – we call these “family and acquaintance” offenders. Most sex crimes against minors are committed by such persons. More family and acquaint‐ ance offenders may be using technology in the course of their crimes. For example, computers and cell phones may be used to plan meetings with victims and to take and store pictures. Also, police may be more aware of the ways technology can be used in sex crimes and thus more likely to examine com‐ puters, cell phones and other devices during investigations of sexual abuse cases. Figure 2. Estimated arrests for crimes with identified vic‐ tims, by year Note: Some numbers do not add exactly due to rounding. Solicitations of undercover investigators posing online as minors Arrests of offenders who solicited law enforcement investiga‐ tors posing online as minors spiked in 2006 but then declined in 2009 (Figure 3). This rise and fall may reflect a shift in focus among law enforcement agencies, who in the early 2000s trained many officers to pose online as adolescents, but then may have cut back on these time‐ intensive investigations in favor of investigations of child pornography, which became easier to conduct due to developing police technology. Figure 3. Estimated arrests for solicitations to undercover investigators posing online as minors, by year Child pornography (CP) possession and distribution Arrests for CP possession increased steadily between 2000 and 2009 (Figure 4). Close to half of 2009 arrests for technology‐ facilitated child sexual exploitation (46%) were for CP posses‐ sion only (no additional sex crimes). We have measured signifi‐ cant increases in arrests for CP possession in each of the three NJOV studies. Figure 4. Estimated arrests for CP possession, by year 935 2,417 3,719 778 1,255 1,182" @default.
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• W85408345 title "Trends in Law Enforcement Responses toTechnology‐facilitated Child Sexual Exploitation Crimes: TheThird National Juvenile OnlineVictimization Study (NJOV‐3)" @default.
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