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• W98334493 abstract "At the municipal elections of october 2000 only a small number of EU-citizens made use of their local voting right. In the entire Brussels Capital Region a mere 9,6% of the EU-citizens registered to vote. It is quite remarkable that, despite campaigns, the lowest participation scores could be found in municipalities as Brussels-city, Ixelles and Etterbeek. It should be noted these are the municipalities where one can find the most important EU institutions (i.e. the Commission, the Parliament, the Council of Ministers). Due to the poor registration rate, the electoral importance of the EU-citizens was very limited. In Brussels city and Ixelles they only stood for 1,7% and 2,5% of the electorate, although they had a potential of respectively 19,6% and 28,4%. Saint-Gillis is the striking exception with regard to participation rate of EU-citizens in Brussels. As a result, in this municipality the EU-electorate stood for 7,2% of the total electorate, thus forming a considerable electoral factor. Nevertheless, this is still only a fraction of the potential weight of 35%. The importance of the new EUvoters had been partly anticipated in Saint-Gillis and was due to mobilisation within the Spanish community. All in all, one has to conclude, however, that the EU-citizens have been of minimal importance in local politics in Brussels, despite their large demographic weight. In contrast, there was a remarkable increase of the number of Belgian elected politicians of non-EU origin in the municipal councils. Of the 653 local councillors, ninety are now of non-EU origin. It should be noted that the success of allochthonous politicians in the councils did not lead to a crowding out of the Flemish politicians, as some had predicted. Due to the surprisingly high success of allochthonous (non-EU origin) candidates, autochthonous politicians after the elections proposed to alter the system of preferential voting. A bill was proposed to counter so called ‘block-voting’ (deliberate preferential voting for candidates with a particular profile). In the pre-electoral period the same political parties had nevertheless actively recruited allochthonous candidates and had given the ‘allochthonous vote’ a prominent place in campaigning. In doing so, during the formation of several local lists, several parties had not been very selective in the recruiting of potential allochthonous politicians, in a number of cases much to the dislike of immigrant organisations. Selforganisations are often seen as socialising places or mobilising entities for political participation. It is in this context interesting to note that the Flemish actively support selforganisations in Brussels, while one is very hesitant on Francophone side to support organisations with an outspoken ethnic identity. It is still an open question whether this will in the future also have electoral consequences. It is clear that the Brussels population of foreign origin is increasingly a political ‘fishing pool’. This segment of the population will not only become increasingly important for competition between the electoral parties as such both also prove to be important for the cleavage between the linguistic groups. The ‘new Belgians’ are indeed potentially ‘new Flemings’ or ‘new Francophones’ as well. Looked at from this angle, the political positioning of allochthones in Brussels will in the future become an important factor in the relations between Flemish and Francophone inhabitants in the Brussels Capital Region. It still is to be seen what role selforganisations will play in this process." @default.
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• W98334493 date "2003-01-01" @default.
• W98334493 modified "2023-09-24" @default.
• W98334493 title "Politieke participatie en zelforganisatie van allochtonen in de Brusselse gemeenten: een verkenning" @default.
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